According to the conflict theory, diverse groups in society are always competing fiercely for scarce power and resources, leading to the stronger oppress the weaker. Marx was preoccupied with one topic in the 19th century, a time characterized by profound disparity and fast technical and political development in Europe: what does it mean to be free? Marx built a whole theory of history related to the subject, laying the groundwork for the paradigm of conflict theory in sociology. Eventually, it forced the subject to examine concerns of dominance, and inequality, and how these factors might drive social change. By the start of the 20th century, his theories had influenced the organization and governance of more than half of the world.
Inequity was intolerable to Marx, and the majority of his works concentrated on the misery of the proletariat, and he thought that the class system needed to be reformed. The philosopher felt that social stratification was the determining force of modern society. The higher classes controlled the property, wealth, and industries, and the working classes had no option but to work under the conditions prescribed by the power elite (Garegnani, 2018). Marx believed that this structure only resulted in the affluent growing wealthier and the poor, who were exploited by the wealthy class, growing poorer (Alpidovskaya and Popkova, 2019). The only solution to rebalance class inequalities was for capitalism to be demolished and replaced with a socialist society that would lead to the equality of all people and meet the community’s requirements.
Marx claimed that people’s connections with the economy affected almost everything: thoughts, relationships, beliefs, and cultures. Karl believed that over time, society has transcended feudalism and developed into capitalism, with classes in society. The dominant class (bourgeoisie), which owns the resources for production (industrial plants and equipment), and the working class (proletariat), which is oppressed and whose labor is exploited (Claeys, 2018). This indicates that the power elite employs the proletariat to create products and services while taking profits. Capitalism is, therefore, built on the concept of private property ownership, which promotes the personal accumulation of capital (Garegnani, 2018). According to Marxists, this arrangement causes significant inequities between the two classes in society.
The issue of false consciousness is yet another concept invented by Marx. False consciousness is a state in which an individual’s views, values, or philosophy are not in their best interests (Claeys, 2018). In effect, the ruling class’s mindset, the bourgeoisie capitalists, is forced on the workers. Concepts like emphasizing competitiveness over teamwork, or treating hard effort as its incentive, plainly favor industrial proprietors (Claeys, 2018). As a result, employees are less likely to challenge their role in society and accept personal responsibility for current situations.
Marx suggested that false consciousness be substituted with class consciousness, or knowledge of one’s social standing, for society to transcend it. Rather than being a class in itself, the working class must become a class for itself to effect social change (Claeys, 2018). This implies that the class may become a proponent of social reforms rather than simply being an inactive stratum of the community. Only once society has reached this level of political consciousness will it be prepared for a mass movement or revolution.
As noted above, the likelihood of large-scale, intense conflicts depends on the degree of awareness of the subordinate classes of their true collective interests. At the same time, the probability and possibility of appropriate awareness depend on the degree of concentration of members of society in subordinate social groups (Claeys, 2018). The additional role was attributed to their access to mass communication, education, and the ability of such groups to develop their ideology, different from the ideology of the ruling elites. After the realization of the illegality of the existing model of distribution of social benefits, and has formed its ideology and consolidated around it, changes will take place (Claeys, 2018). Society will be capable of open confrontation with the ruling groups in the form of a social revolution, as the most large-scale and destructive form of social conflict.
Marx claimed that eventually, the oppressed working class would become conscious of their mistreated situation, unite, and overturn the system through an uprising, after which society would transform dramatically into a socialist or communist society. Marx believed that this emerging sort of society would eliminate individual property ownership and ensure that everyone was equal, hence eliminating social class divisions (Alpidovskaya and Popkova, 2019). Cuba, China, and the countries of the former Soviet Union are modern examples of communist states.
However, Marx’s vision of revolutionary actions did not happen after all. As civilizations developed and expanded, the working poor got more knowledgeable, learning particular job skills and reaching material well-being that Marx never imagined was feasible. Instead of greater oppression, they were shielded by organizations and labor legislation (Claeys, 2018). Skilled manufacturing workers and artisans ultimately began to earn wages comparable to, or even higher than, their middle-class counterparts.
Scholars and theorists highlight the financial crisis of 2008 and the following bailouts as an example of the actual conflict theory. They see the banking crisis as an unavoidable result of the global financial system’s disparities and imbalances (Chang and Andreoni, 2020). This allows the “too big to fail” banks and enterprises to bypass regulatory control and take a tremendous gamble that only benefits a small minority.
After that, huge banks and companies accepted bailout cash from the same authorities that declared a lack of finances for vast social initiatives, such as universal health care (Chang and Andreoni, 2020). This duality reinforces a core tenet of the conflict theory: leading groups and people benefit from major political institutions and social practices (Chang and Andreoni, 2020). This example demonstrates that conflict may exist in all sorts of relationships, even ones that do not appear to be adversarial on the outside.
Hence, according to Karl Marx, despite the systemic nature of the social relations developing between the members of society, they all contain a huge number of conflicting interests. This naturally leads to the fact that the social system itself generates interpersonal, intergroup, and interinstitutional conflicts. Moreover, social conflict is not only inevitable but also an extremely common feature of social systems. Having realized the illegality of the existing model of distribution of social benefits, having formed its ideology and consolidated around it, society will be capable of open confrontation. The confrontation will be in the form of a social revolution, as the most large-scale and destructive form of social conflict. Lastly, Karl Marx believes that capitalism is eroding the well-being of the vulnerable, which makes socialism and communism the best option to create balance and social equity.
Reference List
Alpidovskaya, M. L. and Popkova, E. G. (eds.) (2019) Marx and modernity: a political and economic analysis of social systems management. Charlotte: Information Age Publishing.
Chang, H. J. and Andreoni, A. (2020) ‘Industrial policy in the 21st century’, Development and Change, 51(2), pp. 324-351.
Claeys, G. (2018) Marx and Marxism. New York: Bold Type Books.
Garegnani, P. (2018) ‘On the labour theory of value in Marx and in the Marxist tradition’, Review of Political Economy, 30(4), pp. 618-642.