Introduction
Many modern researchers share the concepts of biological and psychological sex. In modern society, there are constant discussions about the number of existing genders. These disputes around the world started relatively recently. However, the third gender and a reasonably complex gender structure can be found in the cultures of India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. In these cultures, the third gender is associated with religious and social status.
Sexual orientation is more of an additional reason than the main reason for classifying the Hijras caste (Sifat & Shafi, 2021). Many people relinquish their gender identity under external, often social, pressures. Despite the centuries-old tradition, representatives of the third sex often experience pressure from their compatriots, authorities, and the state. This work studies cultural and historical features and difficulties associated with Hijras in Bangladesh.
Concepts
Scientists still find it difficult to determine who intersex people are: they are something in between bisexuals, hermaphrodites, and homosexuals, and they simultaneously have female and male sexual characteristics. From a medical point of view, there is a third gender. These are hermaphrodites – children in whom the sex was incorrectly formed in utero. If a child is born with such a pathology, the parent’s decision on the choice of sex is necessary, and if they delay the decision, the patient’s decision.
When the sex is chosen, the hormonal and operative formation of the chosen sex is carried out by a team of doctors. However, the situation in the countries of the South East differs significantly (Hyder & Rasel. 2021). The third sex results from religious beliefs, although people with innate gender problems are also found in the community.
The notion of a third gender is an updated perception of gender and related inequalities. WHO has identified gender inequality as a factor that negatively affects people’s mental health (Reporter Group, 2022). However, despite relatively recent innovations in the understanding of gender on a global scale, the third gender has existed in many cultures for a long time. So, for example, in India and Bangladesh, representatives of the third sex belong to the untouchable caste. This caste is called Hijra and includes men who position themselves as women while worshipping the goddess Mata. This community of many thousands includes hermaphrodites, bisexuals, castrati, transvestites, and homosexuals.
A distinctive feature of Hijra is the ideology, according to which they do not consider themselves women or men. Summing up the conceptual phenomenon of Hijra, it can be noted that it is a social or religious-cult, physiological, or disabled group, or a kind of caste with a specific, generally deficient social status, but also enjoys specific respect. Despite different approaches to the interpretation of gender, society has an attitude that clear gender identity is essential for successful social integration.
The mental perception of sex and its physical side must match the public’s point of view. This position is mainly based on religious beliefs, despite the apparent distance of this approach. This issue becomes especially relevant in a stricter religion – Islam. The desire of some representatives of the third sex to perform a sex change operation contradicts the concept of the value of human life created by God.
Historical Background of the Third Gender in Bangladesh
The concept of the third gender appeared relatively long ago within the framework of the religious concept of gender. The first mention of the Hijra known to historians was discovered even before our era in the Kama Sutra (Hyder & Rasel, 2021). Hijras were portrayed as supernatural beings, clearly reflected in Hindu mythology.
For example, the God Shiva is depicted as a representative of both and neither sex at the same time. Speaking of Krishna, the primordially male deity often takes the form of a woman. Many gods could merge into a single asexual being. In other words, this concept was born primarily due to ancient mythology.
The position of Hijra is very controversial due to the historical context. On the one hand, representatives of this caste are untouchables. They are addressed as blessed and allowed to appear at celebrations. Often, people come to them for a blessing or a curse. The Bangladesh government plans to introduce a third gender into the voter list forms (Mushtaq, 2018). In other words, the state tries to protect this caste in every possible way. Such efforts are associated with centuries of persecution and deprivation of Hijra.
For a long time, the government of Bangladesh refused to accept the legitimacy of the existence of Hijra (Mushtaq, 2018). The first official recognition from the state of Hijra was obtained only in 2013, demonstrating the severity of this caste’s path (Mushtaq, 2018). Bangladesh’s predominantly Muslim society is conservative and has long been skeptical of the third gender.
However, this is not the only difficulty that influenced the duality of the status of representatives of this caste. Historically, Hijras has been a constant victim of cruelty and violence. The influence of British traditions on South Asia led to a change in society’s attitude towards the Hijras. Victorian morals introduced by the colonialists led to the harassment of Hijras, accusing them of prostitution and homosexuality. The castration process, which the government later abolished, was especially critical.
Castration has long been the main obligatory ritual of entering the Hijra caste. Historically, they even tried to cancel this caste, depriving Hijra of the rights of inheritance and all kinds of freedoms. At the moment, there is severe harassment of representatives of this caste at all cultural levels. In the past, representatives of the third sex held political posts (Hyder & Rasel, 2021). However, at the moment, such a situation seems unrealistic due to this caste’s high level of marginalization.
It is also worth noting that due to difficulties in acceptance by the public, Hijras rarely manage to get a regular education. As a result, the isolation level of people of the third gender only increases. Despite state recognition, representatives of the third gender are excluded from social, cultural, educational, legal, and medical institutions due to their non-binary or transgender identity (West & Zimmerman, 1987). As a result, their lives are compared with those of the lower castes.
Social Class and Third-Gender People
Representatives of Hijras spend most of their lives in communities. Despite the comparative satisfaction of Hijras within the communities, from the side of society, representatives of this caste are subject to social marginalization. Particularly acute is the issue of state support for Hijras in Bangladesh, since in this state, representatives of this class are primarily subject to social, cultural, and economic isolation. If we evaluate the social class of Hijras from the point of view of the traditional theory of social classes, it is worth classifying their way of life as a lower or marginal class (Alam et al., 2021).
The main problem is the lack of access to employment and healthcare. In other words, Hijra has to earn money through prostitution and begging. Hijras did not have any civil rights for a long time, which led to severe problems with the perception of this caste (Alam et al., 2021). In other words, problems with the social perception of caste begin with state rejection. Gender reassignment procedures are also drastically different from the religious perception of a person in Bangladesh (Alam et al., 2021).
As a result, representatives of the third gender occupy the lowest class. Their existence resembles a kind of slavery in other developed countries. All money from prostitution goes to the community leader, who distributes resources as needed. However, the community for Hijra is a symbol of freedom, so they perceive this condition as favorable since they have no other option.
Everyday Life of Third-Gender People
Family
The representatives of Hijra live in isolated communities with a rigid hierarchy under the guidance of a guru. Some of the representatives of Hijras have families and children. Most people in Hijra consider the community to be their family. Joining a Hijras group provides stability in these people’s lives, but at the same time, choosing such an identity puts the Hijra in a vulnerable position in society.
Gurus play an essential role in Hijra life. For them, they are almost like guardians, like new parents. Someone who needs to meet the guru’s expectations must leave the clan. Different gurus have different requirements and rules by which the hierarchy within the community is formed.
Moreover, in most cases, the rules are stringent. The cohabitation of kindred natures here rests on many rules, representing a monastic order. To be considered worthy of living in the community, one must earn a certain amount of money for the guru or perform specific work.
Within the community, such concepts as aquahijra and jataka are distinguished. The first are those who refused to undergo the castration rite. The second group includes Hijras, who have children and wives. They play the role of accompanists in musical performances in Hijra groups. It is worth noting that they are no longer so connected, as they have not got rid of the aggravating factors in their lives.
Hijras who have only recently joined any community must be trained in a secret language influenced by the Persian vocabulary (Alam et al., 2021). As mental mentors, teachers, and parents to all community members, gurus often allow themselves to be cruel. Research shows that gurus often exhibit physical, psychological, and sexual aggression toward their charges (Alam).
Moreover, given that all the money earned by Hijra belongs to the guru, we can talk about banal slavery. Overall, 70 percent of all Hijras in Bangladesh live in communities where guru abuse (Alam et al., 2021) is the most common. In other words, none of the possible options for developing life for Hijra is even close to normal conditions.
The number of Hijras does not decrease with time, although it would seem they cannot increase biologically by definition. Firstly, growth occurs naturally when boys who feel their otherness or girls with problems in hormonal development adjoin the caste. Secondly, the Hijra performs the role of “orderlies” in Indian society, taking in abandoned and sick children. Recognizing their rights is a severe step. This is an anti-crisis measure, a step towards eliminating centuries-old caste segregation.
Society
Bangladesh does not have anti-discrimination laws aimed at protecting the rights of sexual minorities or recognizing gender diversity (Alam et al., 2021). Caste segregation in India and Bangladesh is still severe. The untouchables have practically no rights. They cannot eat in public places, call representatives of the “clean” castes on the phone, or go to shops.
For violating these unwritten rules, poor fellows from the “dirty” castes are constantly subjected to harassment, which is not even dreamed of by minorities in the West. So, just for appearing on the same street with some Brahmin, an untouchable can easily be beaten with sticks or thrown into a fire (Hyder & Rasel, 2021). If the Hijra suddenly decides to earn a living by prostitution, then ordinary citizens can beat him painfully, even through brutal murders.
Even though, for a certain period, they are recognized as the third gender, the ordinary life of the Hijras is quite complicated. As members of the untouchable caste, representatives of Hijras are deprived of the rights and freedoms granted at the state level to representatives of other castes.
To become a community member, one cannot simply express a desire and say that a person is transgender or intersex. It is necessary to go through a long path of religious formation, rituals, and trials, lasting from several months to several years. The guru decides who is accepted into the community and who is not, and such strict selection leads to the fact that the streets of the slums are full of men who dress in women’s clothes for the sake of profit. The Hijras are predominantly Hindu, with a minority of Muslims.
The Indian middle sex lives in communities with clearly defined roles and strong support and mutual assistance. Even though the Hijras are a “dirty caste,” they try not to offend them because there is nothing worse than incurring the wrath of the Hijras since they, as is commonly believed, have magical abilities and can bring any attack on the offender – from impotence and infertility to leprosy. However, they are also called to cure these ailments.
Employment
The untouchable caste in Bangladesh is isolated from a decent society by social, economic, political, and psychological factors. Representatives of this caste are not provided with official employment despite the length of service. As a result, most of the untouchables live in desperate poverty. Hijras also belong to this caste and share absolutely the same living conditions. However, differences still exist in connection with the spiritual role of the Hijras communities.
In addition to receiving followers, talking with them, and performing rituals, Hijras are famous artists (Anthias, 2013). Dressed in women’s clothes and made up femininely, they are very colorful guests on any holiday. Hijras often perform caricatured theatrical acts dedicated to weddings, pregnancy, childbirth, and mythological events.
Many of them are excellent dancers and singers, so it is possible to ask them to perform some famous songs. For these Hijras, it is customary to give food or money. Prostitution is also considered a common occupation among Hijras. Having no sexual attraction to women, transgender people are oriented towards the male population, which uses the services of “demi goddesses.”
More than once, it has been noticed that their communities practice fraud and drug trafficking: each commune can earn money as its members see fit. Many Hijras make their living from street songs and dances. Hijras also traditionally own public baths. At the same time, they are prohibited from entering shops and public transport.
However, considering the recent changes in the rights of the Hijras, the situation has the potential to become better. Until recently, Hijras were on the path of prostitution mainly because of society’s attitude towards them since other specialties were unavailable. Hijiras have almost no chance of finding a decent job in the labor market. This is because such people have no place in the socially approved concept of the gender binary (Anthias, 2013). Even though there are no legal restrictions forbidding people to go to work, the lack of education and constant discrimination prevent Hijras from getting normal living conditions.
Access to healthcare
Hijra does not perform operations in plastic surgery clinics, so officially, these procedures are prohibited in the country. The rite of initiation still takes place according to the ancient principle in an auxiliary way. The genitals are chopped off with one blow of the knife. Then, the wound must bleed for a long time. It is believed that along with the blood of the convert comes out “all-male.” At the site of such an operation, ugly scars remain. Such rituals can significantly affect human health, causing severe consequences that can result in blood poisoning and other problems.
Medical services are almost inaccessible to Hijras due to the negative attitude of doctors towards representatives of this caste. Hijras cannot even think about paid medicine, as they survive on the verge of poverty, and all the money they earn is transferred to the guru (Agrawal, 1997). Moreover, even in the paid offices of doctors, the attitude towards them is not the most favorable. Most doctors treat members of this caste as outcasts. In general, Hijras’s health is relatively low, which is the result of social exclusion.
Since Hijras often engage in prostitution, they are often susceptible to sexually transmitted diseases. However, proper examinations and tests are not carried out. According to an interview conducted with third-gender representatives, the main problem is that Hijras cannot even register as third-gender representatives in state institutions (Mal, 2018). As a result of fear of being ridiculed by them, many Hijras avoid going to the doctor or seeking other help from government agencies.
The accessibility and awareness of Hijras about the prevention and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases (STI) are also low. Raising citizens’ awareness about STI prevention in Bangladesh is the state’s responsibility. The set goals in this area are achieved through advertising, TV, and specialized programs, which Hijras cannot access due to extreme poverty (Azhar & Aziz, 2019).
A particularly acute problem for Hijra is preventing and treating psychiatric diseases. Since the treatment of this spectrum of diseases is mainly carried out in collaboration with consultants, a high level of bias and stigmatization on the part of specialists does not allow for a qualitative diagnosis (Azhar & Aziz, 2019). As a result, many members of the third sex in Bangladesh suffer from various disorders (Ambekar et al., 2020). Such problems aggravate their social position due to inadequate behavior in society.
Violence
Despite the imaginary social significance of the Hijras, representatives of this caste are regularly subjected to violence. Moreover, violence is manifested both by law enforcement agencies such as the police and by their leader. The population of Bangladesh is far from recognizing the rights of the third gender. Being driven by the attitude of the police, people often beat, rape, and publicly humiliate members of the third sex. Even though the government of Bangladesh has recognized the heir as a third gender, bullying by society continues (Alam et al., 2021).
The problem of violence against Hijra is that this caste is not recognized outside Islam. As a result, the Hijras become a highly marginalized minority. Such stigmatization leads to problems within the group of Hijras and their self-determination, expressed in their cruel treatment by the leader within the caste. At the same time, members of the third gender suffer severely from the attacks of the police and the public.
Rejection Within the Household Section
Even though Bangladeshi culture is quite tolerant of different cultures and attitudes towards life, Hijra’s self-perception is considered orthodox. It is tough for families in a caste social system to accept such a child, so Hijra is often expelled from families (Kunduri, 2018). Women’s behavior becomes a serious obstacle to achieving academic and professional success.
The representatives of the Hijras are isolated by the framework of the community or the family’s rules, whose members are ashamed of kinship with such people. Teachers and classmates also shun and discriminate against such children, resulting in Hijras rarely graduating from school (Alam et al., 2021).
Most often, discrimination and harassment within the family force the Hijras to leave their home and give up their inheritance rights. As a result of this situation, Hijras do not have access to social benefits such as housing (Belmi et al., 2020). Outside their homes, they live on community property with virtually no opportunity to acquire property. Thus, they become excluded from the household system.
If the Hijras did not manage to get into a particular community, the only places where such people remained were the slums and train stations. Many of the representatives of Hijras say that life on the street seemed safer for them than in their parents’ houses. Security, as such, is lacking in Hijras’ life. The state provides no social or political places where such people could live peacefully. Despite the absence of apparent persecution within the state’s policy, society completely denies Hijra. As a result of such discrimination, all possible avenues for development (academic or professional) are closed to such people.
Police
Police harassment is a common problem faced by Hijras. The main obvious problem behind the increased attention of the police to the representatives of this caste is their marginal lifestyle: they often trade in fraud and even theft. However, police representatives most often base accusations on gender discrimination, being incapable of accepting people who do not fit into the binary framework (Alam et al., 2021).
Cases of public humiliation and intimidation of Hijras by the police are often noted. Harassment and intimidation by verbal and physical means, and sometimes even rape, are often done publicly to humiliate the Hijras (Alam et al., 2021). The police, as a public protection agency, use a strategy of intimidating ordinary people to avoid being drawn into such castes.
Although the government of Bangladesh has recognized Hijras as a third gender on a state basis, the police, health, and household authorities (as well as society itself) refuse to accept such people (Alam et al., 2021). The police show the most brutal attitude towards the Hijras to show civil society the results of disobedience and isolation. At the moment, there is no information on the means of state regulation of police misconduct against Hijras. This situation shows that Bangladesh is just beginning to take minimal action to improve the quality of life of these people.
Conclusion
As a result of the study, it can be concluded that the situation of the third sex in Bangladesh is deplorable. Representatives of the Hijras castes can be compared with the inviolable caste in India. Most of the challenges that the representatives of the third gender in Bangladesh are forced to face are related to marginalization and social pressure.
As a result of the complete rejection of the rights and freedoms of this caste, access to all kinds of benefits (sacrifice, cultural, professional, legal, and health) is completely closed to the Hijras. Regular violence and humiliation towards representatives of the third gender by society and law enforcement agencies increase the level of marginalization of this caste. Thus, the situation is critical regarding the lack of protection of the rights of this layer of the population.
List of Abbreviations
WHO – World Health Organization.
STI – Sexually Transmitted Infections.
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