Introduction
As a matter of fact, theories of learning may be regarded as a basis of modern educational practices. Thus, in order to stay relevant for appropriate results, they undergo continuous testing, scrutiny, and research. At the same time, theories revolutionized as well, and while some of them were initially regarded as valid and innovative, they could be discounted with time and on the basis of additional research. However, some theories may penetrate into popular culture and become trendy. In this case, it may be challenging for scientists, educators, and learners to change their perceptions and embrace new ways of thinking, especially if ideas become irrelevant. This paper addresses the Mozart effect and aims to explore debates that currently exist in relation to its validity. Its significance is determined by the expediency of the effect’s practical application. On the basis of a literature review that addresses scientific articles dedicated to the Mozart effect, the study demonstrates the reasonability of both parties’ arguments.
Support for the Mozart Effect’s Existence and Efficiency
Initial Research
According to the Mozart effect, there is a connection between Mozart’s music and general intelligence. In other words, it correlates with a scientific theory that states that listening to Mozart’s music improves people’s special cognition (Jenkins, 2001). In general, “links between music and other forms of human intelligence extend back to the classical discoveries of Pythagoras” (Rauscher et al., 1994). However, the Mozart effect was initially introduced during the experiment conducted by Rauscher et al. in 1993 (Jenkins, 2001). It involved 36 undergraduates who listened to Mozart’s Sonata for Two Pianos in D Major, K. 448 for 10 minutes before the completion of test assignments (Steele et al., 1999). The results indicated that participants demonstrated substantially better spatial reasoning skills and higher spatial IQ scores after listening to Mozart’s composition instead of silence or relaxation instructions (Jenkins, 2001). This research attracted particular attention in both scientific and popular media as listening to music could be regarded as a highly accessible and simple method, and its efficiency was highly desirable.
Continuous Support
At the same time, the reliability of the Mozart effect-related theory continued to be supported. In 1994, Rauscher et al. (1994) conducted another research that aimed to evaluate the existence of the causal interrelatedness between spatial task performance and music. Although the scientists’ previous research demonstrated skills improvement after listening to music for approximately 10-15 minutes, Rauscher et al. (1994) aimed to prove that higher cognitive functions and music activity shared “inherent neural firing patterns organized in a highly structured spatial-temporal code over large regions of the cortex” (p. 2). In this case, studying music, especially by children whose cortex was still maturing, was supposed to lead to the stable development of general intelligence throughout their lifetime. The scientists’ related experiments involved preschool children, 3-4 years old, who received keyboard music lessons and studied playing from memory, fingering techniques, musical notation, pitch intervals, and sight reading for several months (Jenkins, 2001). By the end of these lessons, they not only were able to perform the melodies of Beethoven and Mozart but demonstrated improved performance in special-temporal reasoning.
Neuroscientific Evidence
The results of these studies affected a considerable number of people, especially parents. It goes without saying that they wanted their children to grow smarter by introducing them to Mozart’s music as frequently as possible. In Georgia, Governor Zell Miller requested $105,000 from a state budget to “provide a tape of classical music for each of Georgia’s 100,000 newborns to help their brains develop better” (Waterhouse, 2006, p. 214). In addition, this perspective opened new ways of thinking and methodologies in pedagogy that aimed to improve the educational process and outcomes. It is based on scientific evidence that demonstrates a positive impact of music on various medical conditions (Verrusio et al., 2015). Thus, listening to music helps people with seizures through the stimulation of epileptiform activity, prevents anxiety and depression, and reduces attention deficits, language impairments, and dementia symptoms (Verrusio et al., 2015). These notions are supported by neuroscience as well – with the use of functional magnetic resonance scanning and positron emission tomography, multiple studies showed that the perception of music’s components during listening activates various brain areas “from the prefrontal cortex and superior temporal gyrus to the precuneus of the parietal lobe” (Jenkins, 2001, p. 170). In addition, while some of these areas are responsible for mental imaging, their stimulation by music leads to a person’s improved performance in spatial reasoning.
Moreover, the efficiency of Mozart’s music was investigated for scientific approval. Thus, according to multiple studies, Mozart’s Sonata for Two Pianos in D Major, K. 448, Bach’s two works, and Yanni’s modern composition may be regarded as the most appropriate for brain stimulation for the enhancement of cognitive skills (Jenkins, 2001). According to this music’s characteristics, its long-term periodicity is the main factor that positively affects spatial-temporal performance. Additional tests demonstrated that Mozart’s music impacts the cognitive performance of low-functioning older adults and elderly individuals with Mild Cognitive Impairment (MCI) (Silva et al., 2020; Verrusio et al., 2015). All in all, one perspective of the theoretical framework related to the Mozart effect suggests that music leads to better cognitive performance.
Critique of the Mozart Effect’s Existence and Efficiency
At the same time, while some subsequent experiments that followed the initial study of 1993 did not provide the same results, skepticism in relation to the existence of the Mozart effect increased. At the same time, scientists discovered the connection between listening to music and a person’s arousal. Thus, according to Steele et al. (1999), Mozart’s music had no effect on participants’ cognitive performance but impacted their mood scores. In addition, individuals who enjoyed Mozart’s music or silence performed better in comparison with individuals who were irritated by amelodic and repetitive compositions. These findings were supported by another experiment conducted by Nantais and Schellenberg (1999), who stated that participants’ preferences in music determined the results of cognitive performance. In other words, when people listened to music they liked, their spatial reasoning was temporarily improved.
The efficiency of the Mozart effect for continuous improvement of cognitive skills was brought into question from the position of neuroscience as well. According to Waterhouse (2006), education that implies constant and continuous development of skills and learning includes the combination of procedural skill memory enhancement and declarative content memory. In turn, the establishment of long-term memory of both types requires six processes: repetition, excitation in the process of learning, an association of reward, sufficient sleep, eating carbohydrates, and avoidance of alcohol and drug abuse (Waterhouse, 2006). Taking into consideration that an efficient improvement of cognitive performance is associated with a complex combination of various factors, it is impossible to reach appropriate results only through music.
Debate’s Current State
In the present day, the Mozart effect is regarded as a psychological phenomenon similar to transfer or priming. It presupposes positive and non-specific transfer across modalities, such as music and visual-spatial performance (Nantais & Schellenberg, 1999). In other words, the connection between listening to music and cognitive performance may be established. At the same time, it occurs only in the case of music’s ability to improve a particular person’s mood for better performance – it means that music should serve as an artifact of preference (Nantais & Schellenberg, 1999). In this case, the Mozart effect is not connected with Mozart’s compositions and music in general. In turn, it demonstrates how the improvement of a person’s mood through listening to music pleasant for him leads to the improvement of spatial reasoning skills for a short period of time (Thompson et al., 2001). At the same time, music may be replaced with any other activities that inspire a person and bring a good mood for him.
Evaluation of Arguments and Results’ Application
On the basis of in-depth analysis, it is possible to conclude that in the case debates dedicated to the existence of the Mozart effect and its efficiency, both parties have reasonable arguments. On the one hand, materials in support of this psychological phenomenon are presented by scientists and published in reliable peer-reviewed journals. On the other hand, counterarguments have a strong scientific basis and evidence as well. In general, both parties are right on the basis of their statements. Thus, listening to Mozart’s music if it is preferable for a person may improve his cognitive skills for a short period of time. At the same time, any other preferable activities will have the same effect, and it is inefficient in relation to long-lasting skill improvement.
The evaluation of the Mozart effect has a strong effect on psychology as well. In particular, it demonstrates how people get attached to ideas on the basis of their content. The initial research that suggested the use of music for the development of general intelligence, especially for children, attracted millions of people due to the simplicity of the method. Indeed, the development of skills and learning may be regarded as highly complex processes that include various aspects. Thus, when people were suggested a considerably simpler way that does not require specific efforts, individuals were heavily attracted by it. Meanwhile, although the Mozart effect cannot be used for continuous education, it may be beneficial when an improvement of particular skills is necessary for task completion.
Conclusion
The study’s results demonstrate that scientific arguments that support and criticize the Mozart effect and its efficiency may be regarded as reliable. On the one hand, listening to music may improve spatial recognition for a short period of time, which is essential for task completion. On the other hand, it cannot be applied to continuous learning, and music may be replaced by other activities as this psychological phenomenon is based on the ability of arousal to improve cognitive performance.
References
Jenkins, J. S. (2001). The Mozart effect. Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 94(4), 170-172.
Nantais, K. M., & Schellenberg, E. G. (1999). The Mozart effect: An artifact of preference. Psychological Science, 10(4), 370-373.
Rauscher, F. H., Shaw, G. L., Levine, L. J., Ky, K. N., & Wright, E. L. (1994). Music and spatial task performance: A causal relationship. American Psychological Association 102nd Annual Convention in Los Angeles, CA, 1-25.
Silva, S., Belim, F., & Castro, S. L. (2020). The Mozart effect on the episodic memory of healthy adults is null, but low-functioning older adults may be an exception. Frontiers in Psychology, 11(538194), 1-15. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2020.538194
Steele, K. M., Bass, K. E., & Crook, M. D. (1999). The mystery of the Mozart effect: Failure to replicate. Psychological Science, 10(4), 366-369.
Thompson, W. F., Schellenberg, E. G., & Husain, G. (2001). Arousal, mood, and the Mozart effect. Psychological Science, 12(3), 248-251.
Verrusio, W., Ettorre, E., Vicenzini, E., Vanacore, N., Cacciafesta, M., & Mecarelli, O. (2015). The Mozart effect: A quantitative EEG study. Consciousness and Cognition, 35, 150-155.
Waterhouse, L. (2006). Multiple intelligences, the Mozart effect, and emotional intelligence: A critical review. Educational Psychologist, 41(4), 207-225.