Aspects of Racialization Processes

As a consequence of domination, the ethnic identity of the dominant group is less visible and prominent. The systematic underdevelopment of racial and ethnic relations studies in terms of examining dominant group ethnicity’s functions has resulted in the systematic underdevelopment of studies in as a result, the dominant group has been able to hold on to its position of power within the system of ethnic stratification. To the members of the dominant group, however, seeing disparity as their group’s privilege may be damaging to their sense of identity.

Official laws, institutional practices, and cultural representations all work together to perpetuate racial group inequality in the United States. Throughout history and culture, privileges linked with “whiteness,” as well as disadvantages associated with “color,” have persisted and evolved. There are many people and organizations that participate in structural racism, not just a handful. As a result, it has been ingrained in our social, economic, and political institutions. During the pandemic, a certain race was placed in charge of serving the rest of the pupils, and I was directly affected by this.

While doing qualitative research, I came across these concepts of positionality. Rather than just producing a finished result, research is an ongoing activity. Despite the fact that the results have been communicated, the process of research continues. The usefulness of research must extend beyond a feeling of completion in order to be valuable from the perspective of process rather than result. Research continues as we look at the development of a notion, the collection of data, the findings, and the repercussions. There are many ways to express our thoughts. Both the researcher and the participants have a say in how research is conducted. As a consequence, the study might be influenced by the researcher’s and participants’ identities. Recognizing our biases may help us get insight into how we can approach a research setting, participants, and members of certain groups.

Racialization is the process of defining a group of people by their “race.” There are several ways to begin the process of racialization, but the first step is to assign racial significance to people’s identities. As little more than a consequence of the formation of a dominance in societal systems and processes based on “race,” racial- ethnic mechanisms have evolved in societies where “white” people dominate financial, governmental, and social privilege. Racialization processes result in racial inequities in society’s structures and institutions, which are clearly visible.

Societal and cultural factors play an essential role in the identification process, but so does the individual one (Hochman, 2019). To put it another way, the media, politics, and public opinion may all work together to create an image that is racially defined. Racialization occurs when a person or group is labeled as “different” or “not normal” because of an individual’s unique acts. The process of racialization never stops. While a community may have been colored at one point in time, it may subsequently “transition” towards white (e.g., Italian Canadians).

There is little difference in the results when examining representation through the number of racially biased and Indigenous lecturers in Canada’s university structure, their earnings relative to their Caucasian colleagues, their everyday lives at work or dialogues with their fellow lecturers based on data from a four-year nationwide analysis of stereotyping and Indigeneity at Canadian higher education institutions. For the most part, the number of racialized and indigenous academics and the subjects or areas of knowledge that they specialize in are quite limited.

Race and ethnic discrimination are legitimized by religion, religious organizations, and the scholarly study of religion. White supremacy is maintained. Religion is not practiced or studied apart from the rest of society. As a result, it is always impacted by the social context in which it takes place. Because of this, religion often reflects society’s larger preconceptions and efforts to divide and discriminate, whether based on race or ethnicity, class, social position, nation, religion, or (dis)ability. For centuries, European colonialists and theologians have studied the human rights and dignity of people of color and indigenous peoples. Slavery and colonialism against indigenous peoples of the Americas were justified by white Christian Europeans throughout the sixteenth century, when they first developed the idea that there was a racial hierarchy.

Because of rules dictating whether or not they may be present in religious facilities, black people’s freedom of religious assembly was curtailed in almost every major religion. Thousands of pastors who were KKK members preached white supremacy from the pulpit. The Methodist Episcopal Church of the South, Baptist, and Presbyterian are also examples of slavery-supporting denominations. In order to scare and intimidate African-Americans, white mobs arranged lynching on Sunday afternoons so that the whole town could observe, and they carried them out on the grounds of black churches as a form of terrorism. Jim Crow, segregation, and anti-miscegenation laws were pushed by religious leaders throughout the twentieth century.

Researchers concerned with automatic or implicit views say that negative stereotypes are pervasive in a culture and may influence attitudes or behavior even among people who reject them. Racism’s political ramifications are difficult to predict since they vary from person to person and from situation to situation. If given enough time or appropriate racial indicators, racial liberals may avoid the influence of negative racial stereotypes. Cultural expectations may influence individual attitudes toward political issues, campaign advertising, or political speeches, even among racial liberals, when time is short or race is present but not dominant. As a consequence, individuals may unwittingly harbor implicit biases towards certain social groups. For example, there is a tendency to have unfavorable views towards African Americans, even if these beliefs are in direct conflict with one’s spoken statements.

It’s referred to as “implicit prejudice.” According to this, prejudice might have different political consequences in different situations, requiring a particular research toolbox. To understand implicit or automatic prejudice, which may be triggered by subtle imagery or language that does not get conscious inspection, the political environment in which racial negativity is evoked and articulated takes on more relevance when the political context is examined.

The conclusion is that implicit and explicit attitudes are assumed to be influenced by separate psychological processes. As a result, it is usually considered that they have been exposed to a broad range of formative experiences, which suggests that they have different paths of change. As a result of implicit racial biases, interracial interactions and discriminatory acts in the workplace, housing, and education may be predicted. A reduction in implicit (as well as explicit) prejudice is of tremendous theoretical and practical value.

Additionally, an anti-racist movement may influence explicit attitudes by sparking public political discussion, resulting in the development and dissemination of powerful arguments about the worth of black lives or the righteousness of combating racism. Enslavement of Africans in the United States led to the development of racial differences between blacks and whites, as well as racist ideology, all in an attempt to support and legitimize slavery.

Reference

Hochman, A. (2019). Racialization: A defense of the concept. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 42(8), 1245-1262. Web.

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