Gender-based violence is any harm done to a person or group of persons because of their actual or perceived sex, gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity. Any act of gender-based violence, whether public or private, causes or is likely to inflict bodily, sexual, or psychological pain or suffering to women, including threats of such actions, coercion, or arbitrary loss of liberty. Gender-based violence is motivated by a desire to humiliate and make a person or group feel inferior or submissive and is based on a power imbalance.
The violence is deeply ingrained in society’s social and cultural institutions, habits, and beliefs, and it is usually perpetrated through the use of technology. As Suzor et al. (2018) illustrated, gender-based violence can take many forms, ranging from verbal hostility and hate speech on the Internet to rape or murder. A former spouse or a current, a family member, a co-worker, schoolmates, friends, an unknown individual, or someone acting on behalf of cultural, religious, state, or intra-state institutions can all perpetuate it. This essay covers a gender-based violence practice against women, in particular, the rising rape cases in South Africa.
Rape is defined broadly under South Africa’s judicial system. Moreover, it comprises oral, anal, or vaginal penetration of a person’s mouth with an animal’s sexual organs and anal or vaginal penetration with any item. In the 2019/20 fiscal year, the police recorded 42,289 rapes, up from 41,583 in the previous fiscal year (Banda, 2020). The data equates to an average of 116 rapes every day reported to the police (Banda, 2020). The ISS has cautioned that police rape data are not an “accurate indicator of either the extent or trend of this crime.
The findings supports my rationale for focusing on rape, a well-known form of gender-based violence in South Africa that affects young women. The steady rise in violence against women has become one of the most visible and destructive vestiges of this complicated history, intensified by apartheid’s aggression, the social consequences of the migrant labor force, and patriarchal authority’s impact. Sexual assault was used to maintain control, submission, and interracial compliance during the colonial era and the apartheid era.
The act is the most heinous kind of gender-based violence that exists. Hence, it is critical to endorse stringent policies to combat the steady surge of rape cases in South Africa. Several rape cases were recorded from January to March 2021, the data represents a 387-case decrease over the same period in 2020 (Banda, 2020). The number of rape cases documented at that time, according to one gender activist, illustrates how little is being implemented in the country to fight GBV. More than 2 000 people have reported rape cases in Gauteng since the beginning of the year, ranking it as the country’s economic hub the top province for verified rapes in South Africa.
After critical analysis, it is clear that South Africa is a society riven with deep contradictions, especially between the pledges of the legislation and the reality of modern life. Legislation is a step forward, but official legal reform is merely the beginning. Implementing tools for cultural change is critical, yet changing a society’s culture is not simple. Because of the apartheid heritage, sexual violence remains rampant; nonetheless, the legal elimination of apartheid did not eliminate the institutions that held society in check. Violence continues to be a part of many people’s lives, particularly women’s lives. The system of government and its institutions, such as the police force, have established sexual violence as a social standard rather than making genuine efforts to counteract it, resulting in the continuation of sexual violence.
Most research on rape researcher has emphasized that historical studies of sexual violence against women are crucial. In that regard rape is seen as not only a severe problem that needs to be addressed but also as a vehicle for exploring bigger issues of gender-based violence. Insight into significant historical themes can be gained through research into rape in South Africa.
Three hypotheses have dominated the rape debate since the 1970s. Rape theories are classified as Feminist, Social Learning, and Biological (Kukkaje, 2019). Despite their popularity, these ideas have proven ineffective in describing the South African reality because of their western focus. The principles of Feminist Theory and Social Learning theory, on the other hand, have informed my view of rape’s origins. According to the Feminist theory, rape is the product of ancient and profound entrenched social practices, in which males have dominated all critical political and economic activities practically. According to the theory, women have been barred from gaining social and economic power in society. As a result, they’ve been labeled as unequal.
Men commit domination and reinforce women’s subordination through physical violence, known as women rape. Donnerstein and Malamuth’s Social Learning Theory, the notion emphasizes the role of cultural variables in understanding rape (Fritz, et al., 2020). This perspective contends that rape is a taught habit influenced by culture and a society’s prevalence of violence. As a result, images of sex and violence, often known as “rape myths” and desensitization to these effects, all play a part in forming rape culture. The third rape theory, as exacerbates that aggressive sexual conduct by males is a response to natural selection and the drive to reproduce (Baumeister, 2018). Accordingly, aggressive copulatory methods are an extreme reaction to natural selection pressure for men to be pushier in their attempts to copulate than females. Both the Feminist and Social Learning theories may be applied to the rape epidemic in South Africa. The identification of a gender hierarchy in feminist theory applies to male-dominated townships. Due to their marginalization as citizens, women have had little social or political authority in these areas.
Survivors experience diverse negative impacts of sexual assault; there is no list of typical “symptoms” they should exhibit. What is shared is that such effects are profound, affecting the physical and mental health of victims/survivors and their interpersonal relationships with family, friends, partners and colleagues. More than this, the impacts of sexual assault go beyond the individual to have a collective effect on the social wellbeing of our communities.
There are a variety of effects on humans, the most significant of which are psychological and emotional repercussions. Sexual assault has been linked to various short- and long-term mental and emotional impacts (Voth et al, 2018). Thus, it is usual to have symptoms like extreme dread of death and detachment during an assault. These are normal bodily reactions. The fact that terror paralyzed the victim does not indicate she consented to the attack. After a case of rape, the most common reactions are anxiety and acute terror. As a result of sexual assault, many people are afraid of catching HIV/STIs and becoming pregnant. Sexual assault can lead to fears of future attacks and other damage. This presumption is shattered if the victim/survivor has previously regarded the world as essentially a secure place.
The trauma response model and the clinical diagnosis of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) have aided in recognizing the gravity of the pain inflicted on those who have been sexually assaulted and the scope of the violation they have endured. Not every woman who has been sexually assaulted suffers from physical damage or medical issues. Sexual assault, on the other hand, can result in a wide range of physical damage and health effects. Injuries might occur as a direct result of the assault, subsequent problems, or psychological harm. For sure victims of penetrative sexual assault, physical consequences might include injury to the urethra, vagina, and anus; gastrointestinal, sexual, and reproductive health issues; pain syndromes; and eating disorders, including bulimia nervosa—increased risk of sexually transmitted illnesses such as HIV/AIDS, unintended pregnancy, and abortion decisions. Irritable bowel syndrome, chronic diseases like diabetes and arthritis, headaches, and gynecologic symptoms like dysmenorrhea, pain or cramps in the lower abdomen during menstruation, menorrhagia (abnormally heavy or prolonged bleeding during menstruation), and sex-related issues are just a few examples.
People who have been sexually abused have lower self-esteem than those who have never been sexually abused. Sexual assault can affect how the victim/survivor interacts with family, friends, and the community at large. Following a sexual assault, interpersonal connections with intimate partners and friendships and familial interactions can be impacted. Communication problems, intimacy issues, trust issues, sexual relations issues, and the pleasure of social activities can all be harmed. Overprotectiveness on the victim might also be a problem due to avoidance of social interactions and feelings of poor self-worth and self-doubt. Family, friends, and partners’ reactions might assist or harm the situation. The victim’s survivor’s Negative emotions can lead to avoidant coping strategies linked to a lower recovery success rate, but supportive reactions can help in recovery and healing.
Sexual assault has ramifications for the victim’s partner, children, family, and friends, as well as the larger community: A sexual assault and its aftermath can affect non-perpetrator family members, partners, acquaintances, and children of victims/survivors; these persons are frequently referred to as “secondary victims.” Secondary victims often suffer from the impacts of trauma, with symptoms that are sometimes comparable to those experienced by primary victims, and knowledge of a traumatic incident experienced by a significant other is painful in and of itself – this is secondary trauma.
Even though it is impossible to put a monetary number on the trauma inflicted by sexual assault, it is crucial to recognize that the victim and the wider community bear financial expenses. Loss of actual wages, future earning potential, medical expenditures; intangible costs (loss of quality of life, sorrow, and suffering); and counseling fees are just a few examples. The victim frequently incurs such expenses and costs; nevertheless, the whole community bears the consequences of sexual assault, both financial and non-financial. In each state and territory, monetary compensation may be offered through the relevant organization. Furthermore, details, connections, and information may be found. Rapists’ psychological reasons are more complicated than previously imagined. They might include the urge to punish, exact vengeance, inflict pain, demonstrate sexual prowess, or exert control via terror.
Mann, 2021, compares rape victims to those who are in excruciating pain but can’t help themselves. The juxtaposition of animal predation with routine sexual assault begs the question of how a reaction reserved for deadly, no-way-out conditions in animals is present in modes of violation when the victim does not report fear of death or serious bodily damage.
Many people experience remorse after witnessing rape victims. They visualize their counterpart’s agony, making them fearful of being in a similar circumstance. Furthermore, they have a variety of psychological reactions, but they frequently involve feelings of guilt, humiliation, uncertainty, fear, and wrath. Victims often describe a pervasive sensation of filth, an inability to feel clean, an overpowering sense of vulnerability, and a paralyzing sense of powerlessness over their life. Many people are terrified of returning to the crime scene, being followed, and having any sexual connections. Others have sleep or food routines that have been disrupted for a long time or cannot perform at work.
For the record, eliminating violence against young women and girls requires a multi-pronged, community-based strategy as well as ongoing interaction with a wide range of stakeholders, such as everyone’s participation. In order to be most effective, violence prevention initiatives must address underlying risk factors for violence, such as gender roles in society and societal tolerance for violence. If we do not address this issue now, we will incur significant costs in the future. Children who grow up in a violent environment are more likely to become future survivors or perpetrators of violence, according to numerous research.
References
Banda, Z. J. (2020). A survey on gender-based violence – The paradox of trust between women and men in South Africa: A missiological scrutiny. HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies, 76(1). Web.
Baumeister, H. (2018). Theories and legislative histories of war rape and forced marriage. Sexualised Crimes, Armed Conflict and the Law, 43–81. Web.
Fritz, N., Malic, V., Paul, B., & Zhou, Y. (2020). A descriptive analysis of the types, targets, and relative frequency of aggression in mainstream pornography. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 49(8), 3041–3053. Web.
Kukkaje, M. (2019). Violence against women: A review of literature with reference to men perpetrators. Artha – Journal of Social Sciences, 18(1), 1–12. Web.
Mann, B. (2021). Rape and social death. Feminist Theory. Web.
Suzor, N., Dragiewicz, M., Harris, B., Gillett, R., Burgess, J., & Van Geelen, T. (2018). Human Rights by design: The responsibilities of social media platforms to address gender-based violence online. Policy & internet, 11(1), 84–103. Web.
Voth Schrag, R. J., & Edmond, T. E. (2018). Intimate partner violence, trauma, and mental health need among female community college students. Journal of American College Health, 66(7), 702-711. Web.