Changes in Japanese People’s Cultural Values
The preindustrial system of patriarchal privileges and the exclusive inheritance by the oldest son (Kotaku) was abolished after WW2 in the amended Civil Code of 1947. This changed the foundation for the inheritance of family property from primogeniture to that of equal inheritance for all children (Matsubara 499). According to the new rules, all children, not just the eldest, are responsible for providing for their aging parents, a role previously reserved for the eldest son (Matsubara 500). Additionally, the notion was established that a marriage should be predicated on the consent of both parties. From a judicial point of view, the postwar family system was based on the principles of modern democracy.
The postwar educational reforms and the democratic ideology undermined the family structure by delegitimizing it as an ideology. Because of this, traditional family values were doomed to fail in this union. Changes to the fundamental makeup of families occurred along with the strong economic recovery that began in 1955 (Matsubara 506).
While other developed nations are seeing smaller families and simpler home structures, Japan’s household size has remained relatively stable at around 5.0 people since 1920. However, the political and economic shifts, the revolutionary shifts in the people’s culture, and the democratization strategy carried out by the occupying forces gave this process its definitive meaning (Matsubara 499). The first and most important factor was suppressing the traditional family structure through the denial of legal protections.
The Japanese family, however, saw dramatic changes between 1955 and 1965. For instance, in 1960, sociologists in Japan utilized data from the national census to determine that the average number of people living in a single-family had dropped to 4.56 and 4.36 in urban areas (Matsubara 506). This was true even in remote regions, where the average population had been well above 5.0 people before (Matsubara 506). Although the average number of people living in a home decreased from 4.12 to 4.08 during the 1960 and 1965 censuses, this trend is likely to continue (Matsubara 506). Separate and independent living is the norm for newlyweds, and the average number of children raised by one set of parents is currently 2.2.
Changes in Japanese People’s Identity After World War II
After the end of World War II, Japan adopted an identity that was characterized by antimilitary and peace, which was recounted from its wars. In the course of the 20th century, most Japanese citizens embraced a radical shift in their identity and self-perception. Japan’s Constitution, which forbids war, and the Yoshida doctrine, which guides the country’s foreign policy, helped establish a postwar identity that is peaceful and anti-militarist (Kolmas 2). This sense of identity was remarkably steady over the majority of the twentieth century. In any case, Japan’s national identity and foreign policy appeared to have shifted during the past few decades.
For instance, Tokyo has made a number of major domestic and international policy moves that would have been inconceivable and which now stand as symbols of a new and more confident Japan. Additionally, Prime Minister Abe Shinz and other prominent Japanese politicians have recently embraced a new narrative that portrays pacifism as more of a liability than an advantage to Japan’s international standing (Kolmas 32). Kolmas (2) connects the links between national identity theory and Japanese revisionism to shed light on the dynamics of modern Japan. The author demonstrates that, although some members of Japan’s political elite and the general public have called for a re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are societal and institutional factors that work to thwart these efforts.
Emotions and Identity Change
While emotions are widely explored in ancient books, they were mostly disregarded in WW II International Relations (IR) theory. It assumed that governments are rational actors who make choices based on predetermined national interests within the constraints imposed by material structures (Hagström, Linus, and Gustafsson 9). Only one type of terror has any credence in a realistic worldview.
Additionally, physical threats and the need for physical protection were linked to logical fear (Hagström, Linus, and Gustafsson 9). It was not until the late 1990s that emotions were given any serious consideration in IR, and even then, only in the context of studying how misunderstandings might influence foreign policy choices. However, at all three levels, emotions like guilt, anxiety, pity, anger, and sentiments of offense and anxiety defined the people’s new identity.
In debates of nationalism and patriotism, the connection between emotion and identity stands out particularly clearly. Some academics contend that patriotism is a “benign” or “healthy” emotion because it is related to love for one’s own country, whereas nationalism is “malign” because it entails emotions of superiority (Hagström, Linus, and Gustafsson 10). Others contend that patriotism is not always benign since it is a more fundamental motive for self-sacrifice than animosity against the other, and hence, a more fundamental reason for individuals to go to war.
As a corollary, having a strong affinity for or pride in one’s nation sometimes accompanies hostility toward other nations. Emotions, it seems, are at the core of both patriotism and nationalism. This is especially evident in Japanese, where the phrase for patriotism means love country-feeling (aikokushin).
Changes in Japanese People’s Perception of Others After World War II
The Western perception of Japan has shifted dramatically in recent decades. The changes have been so dramatic that it is often difficult to tell the many depictions of the same nation apart (Seo 63). This image has changed from that of a fearsome enemy to that of a producer of inexpensive automobiles and electronic gadgets.
The most recent is that of a whimsical creative fantasy factory, especially in the United States, which has had a close and complex relationship with Japan since World War II (Seo 52). This final stage demonstrates the power of popular culture in forming national identities throughout the world. Soft power, the capacity to influence and attract international cooperation through persuasive means like culture rather than outright cash or coercion, is epitomized by the country’s exports of television, films, and toys today. A lot of national pride has been built up around them.
Japan became a global powerhouse and the greatest provider of foreign aid in the half-century after the conclusion of World War II. Many people today believe that Japan and Germany, two countries that were labeled “enemies” during World War II, should be given permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council (Inoguchi 6). Japan has made great strides toward postwar prosperity, but the country still faces certain challenges connected to the conflict. After being coerced into prostitution by the military during the war, “comfort ladies” are now seeking redress (Inoguchi 15). Occasionally, tensions have erupted between Japan and its neighbors on the official level as a result of what are seen as insensitive actions or words made by Japanese leaders.
The adjustments made to textbooks in 1982 by the Ministry of Education caused a great deal of controversy. Several Asian nations accused Japan of whitewashing history by omitting language describing the aggressive behavior of the Japanese troops in Asia during World War II (Inoguchi 16). There were local and worldwide protests as Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone became the first postwar leader to visit Yasukuni Shrine (a prewar military Shinto shrine where the war dead, including those regarded as Class A war criminals, are interred) in his official role in 1985.
Summary
In conclusion, it is evidenced that the Japanese people’s state of devastation, fear, and confusion after the end of World War II has caused a change in their identity, culture, and perception of others. This feeling can be linked to the prevalent cases of hunger, killing, massacre, and bombing that were being witnessed during that time. Additionally, most citizens still feel that their own government has sidelined them, while others experience racial and prejudice discrimination from their own people in the military.
Women and children were largely affected in these wars as the majority of the women were forced into prostitution or used as comfort women. The country’s political structure was greatly affected, with the government failing to take control of its economy, leaving most people devastated, hungry, and with depression. Most Japanese people developed a negative perception of other countries, especially those they were at war with, such as the United States.
Works Cited
Hagström, Linus, and Karl Gustafsson. “Japan and Identity Change: Why it Matters in International Relations.” The Pacific Review, vol. 28, no. 1, 2015, pp. 1-22. Web.
Inoguchi, Takashi, et al. “Memories of War: The Second World War and Japanese Historical Memory in Comparative Perspective.”, 2018. Web.
Kolmas, Michal. National Identity and Japanese Revisionism: Abe Shinzō’s Vision of a Beautiful Japan and Its Limits. Routledge, 2018. Web.
Matsubara, Haruo. “The family and Japanese Society After World War II.” The Developing Economies, vol. 7, no. 4, 2019, pp. 499-526. Web.
Seo, Gijae. “Shonen Kurabu and the Japanese Attitude Toward War.” Children’s Literature in Education, vol. 52, no. 1, 2021, pp. 49-67. Web.