The Individual’s Position in Society: Impact of Ethnicity

Introduction

An individual’s position in society may depend on many identities, one of which is ethnic origin. This work focuses on ways in which ethnic identity impacts individual social standing. The definitions of an individual’s position in society and ethnicity are examined to provide background for the discussion. Then, impact mechanisms by which the social hierarchy is established and reinforced are discussed. Lastly, the effects of ethnicity on placing an individual in such a hierarchy are discussed, and it is concluded that their ethnicity and race heavily determine their place in society.

Background

Societal Status

Appropriate definitions must be given before delving into the specifics of the interplay between ethnicity and one’s position in society. A “relative group position in society” is described as one’s status (Craig et al. 189). Individuals’ societal status arises out of their life quality, opportunities, and privileges, the interplay of which places an individual on a certain level of social strata (APA’s Office on Socioeconomic Status). Such status may be assigned or attained based on constructs like sexuality, race and ethnicity, biological sex, age, and others that one does not choose, achieve, or control (Fiske 792; Lidén and Olofsson 365). In contrast, the latter may arise due to education, income, relationship status, or job prestige (Fiske 794). Social hierarchies appear out of different social statuses; however, Fiske argues that while hierarchies are inevitable, racial and ethnic ones are context- and history-driven and are arbitrary (792). Nonetheless, race and ethnicity often determine an individual’s position on the social ladder (APA’s Office on Socioeconomic Status). Therefore, much of the society operates in a particular ‘pecking order,’ and one of the factors that define it is ethnicity and race.

Ethnicity

The concept of ethnicity is defined differently depending on the location and the contextual perspective. In van de Vijver’s definition, in the context of one’s identity, ethnicity is a set of “traits, abilities, or attitudes that come with being a member of an ethnic group” (2). These characteristics range from discernible biological features of the race to non-observable attributes like spoken language or food, to social perspectives like socio-economic status, to group consciousness and a sense of belonging (van de Vijver 3). Ethnic identity is distinct from some other identity forms like sexuality in that it often manifests itself visually, at least the aspect of it that is related to physical features of appearance. As Bhopal and Alibhai-Brown recite, “My visible identity of being black is one that you can see and one that is there for all to see, so that is how I am judged” (61). Therefore, one’s race is a prominent aspect of ethnicity that is considered in addition to ‘invisible’ features like culture.

Mechanisms of Impact

Being White as Default

How ethnicity influences an individual’s social status is often variable. The first mechanism is the perception of white cultural context as a ‘default,’ which bears several consequences. First, such perception entails considering any non-white ethnicities to be ‘outliers,’ thus perpetuating marginalization; second, any discovered principles are deemed “universal” even when they only could be extrapolated to the white population (Fiske 792). Intergroup ethnic and racial differences create different cultural problems for each group to resolve; however, when groups work together, the question arises regarding whose problems should be prioritized (Fiske 795). The resulting exclusion or marginalization of entire ethnic groups affects the effectiveness and extent of relevant research, which informs policy-making decisions. In other words, the struggles of ethnic minority groups are often overlooked; on the individual level, this may translate to bigger challenges in finding employment, housing, or attaining education compared to white people.

Implicit Bias

As mentioned above, all societies rank their members based on specific criteria. In the context of ethnicity, Fiske identifies the mechanism of formation and manifestation of these rankings to be culturally cultivated prejudices, referring to the race and ethnicity biases as “variable stereotypes” (792). One of the ways that individuals are ranked is based on how society perceives them by two criteria: “warmth” or sympathy and competence (Fiske 795). For instance, Asians are commonly perceived as low in warmth but high in competence; black people are perceived as either low or high in both; white people are high in both aspects (Fiske 796). The difference in perception of black people is due to the distinction between the poor blacks, who are seen as incompetent and deserving of their low status, and black professionals, who are seen with respect (Fiske 797). Thus, depending on one’s ethnicity, a person may be stereotyped as competent or not, or deserving of their place or not. Given that the majority drives the power of these stereotypes, such prejudice profoundly impacts what position an individual may eventually attain in society.

Differential Risk Perception

Another mechanism by which ethnicity may drive the individual status relates to a specific aspect of ethnicity – a place of origin. Lidén and Olofsson found that foreign-born individuals had higher risk perceptions than local-born ones (365). Assessments of, familiarity with, and exposure to risks vary societal strata since they are a part of the power hierarchy (Lidén and Olofsson 365). Certain ethnicities have historically been exposed to more trauma and harsher financial conditions, which increases their risk sensitivity and feelings of insecurity (Lidén and Olofsson 365). Therefore, certain ethnicities come with a burden of worry, uncertainty, and a lack of safety, which may preclude them from achieving higher societal status.

Inter-Group Aggression and Oppression

Lastly, in the world of increasing diversity, clashes occur between different ethnic groups. In the context of the US, there is an anticipated growth in ethnic minorities, which, according to Craig et al., is perceived as a threat by the current white majority (189). Therefore, a perceived threat to the current predominant status of the white population causes a part of this population to exhibit “in-group-protective” and “out-group-antagonistic” behaviors, subsequently manifested through policies (Craig et al. 189). Hence, paradoxically, an increase in the proportion of certain ethnicities may perpetuate negative attitudes and discrimination against individuals, affecting their social potential.

Impact of Ethnicity on Social Position

Upward Mobility

One of the most fundamental impacts that ethnicity may have in terms of social hierarchy is the upward mobility of an individual. Keeping in mind the stereotypical mechanisms that Fiske (796) discusses, it becomes evident that being white gives a substantial privilege in advancing to higher positions. Bhopal and Alibhai-Brown concur by stating that white privilege heavily affects the distribution of resources since non-white ethnicities occupy lower positions on the social ladder (21). Moreover, non-white groups are positioned lower – they are also limited in their ability to improve their social standing (Bhopal and Alibhai-Brown 21). Therefore, ethnic minorities experience more difficulty with moving up the social hierarchy.

Education

Ethnic stereotyping and prejudice can define class positioning, sometimes to a larger extent than other, more relevant features. In the American context, education is seen as a predominant determinant of upward mobility in terms of socio-economic standing (Kluegel and Smith 73). However, the access to education and the experiences in academia vary drastically depending on ethnicity. For instance, Bonam et al. recite that ethnic and racial bias affect the underrepresented groups’ academic performance (11). Professors may have an implicit bias regarding different ethnicities. For instance, Asian (Chinese and Indian) students are regarded as “high achievers” while black students are viewed as “disruptive and lazy” (Bhopal and Alibhai-Brown 75). This perception results in teachers expecting black students to fail and, thus, more likely to direct these students towards ‘lower’ academic fields (Bhopal and Alibhai-Brown 75). Moreover, a higher social class does not preclude the influence of ethnicity on the position in academia (Bhopal and Alibhai-Brown 61). In other words, ethnicity impacts one’s position in the academic hierarchy, often trumping any other factors.

Economic Development

As a result of the lower levels of education attainment and restricted upward mobility, certain ethnicities may struggle economically more than others, which can be manifested on both group and individual levels. Escaping poverty is incredibly challenging for systemically oppressed groups: non-white ethnicities, excluding Asians, are more likely to continuously live in poverty (APA’s Office on Socioeconomic Status). Black male employees in the US earn only 72% of comparable white male employees, while unemployment rates for black people are double those of white people (APA’s Office on Socioeconomic Status). Thus, an individual’s chance of having a profitable job is defined by one’s ethnicity.

Racialized Space

Another aspect that should be considered is geography and racialized physical space. Physical space has historically been a tool to define the boundaries between ethnic groups and reinforce the hierarchy and discrimination (Bonam et al. 2). Zuccotti and Platt discovered that the areas primarily occupied by ethnic minorities are commonly more financially disadvantaged. Previous research has shown that neighborhood deprivation adversely affects individual employment in the future; this effect is perpetuated in the case of ethnic minorities (Zuccotti and Platt). Zuccotti and Platt found that the effects varied depending on ethnicity: higher density of the same ethnicity for Pakistani and Bangladeshi women resulted in significantly lower labor market participation and social class, while the same caused social class to be higher for Indian men. Another reason may be that interethnic ties between individuals do not always facilitate productivity and prosperity. Sometimes, an exactly opposite effect is achieved, where a higher-achieving individual is looked down upon for trying to leave the community (Zuccotti and Platt). Therefore, the economic struggle of individuals of certain ethnicities may be caused by both intragroup ties and external discrimination.

Conclusion

Ethnicity has a fundamental impact on an individual’s place within a social hierarchy, and its impact is mainly attributed to the underlying racist prejudice. Positioning the white opinion as deafult and experience results in marginalization and omission of critical information about other ethnicities. The implicit bias or variable stereotypes regarding race means that an individual may be viewed as incompetent or undeserving of their place regardless of actual ability. Higher sensitivity to risk in immigrant communities may prevent individuals from taking more risks. Additionally, the mistrust and fear that some white people may have against other ethnicities may result in individual-level and systematic discrimination and oppression. These mechanisms result in individuals’ restricted upward mobility through social classes, discrimination in education and employment, exacerbated and localized poverty, and racialized spaces.

Works Cited

APA’s Office on Socioeconomic Status. “Ethnic and Racial Minorities & Socioeconomic Status.” American Psychological Association.

Bhopal, Kalwant, and Yasmin Alibhai-Brown. White Privilege: The Myth of a Post-Racial Society. Policy Press, 2018.

Bonam, Courtney M., et al. “Racialized Physical Space as Cultural Product.” Social and Personality Psychology Compass, vol. 11, no. 9, 2017, pp. 1–12. DOI.org (Crossref).

Craig, Maureen A., et al. “The Pitfalls and Promise of Increasing Racial Diversity: Threat, Contact, and Race Relations in the 21st Century.” Current Directions in Psychological Science, vol. 27, no. 3, 2018, pp. 188–193. SAGE Journals.

Fiske, Susan T. “Prejudices in Cultural Contexts: Shared Stereotypes (Gender, Age) Versus Variable Stereotypes (Race, Ethnicity, Religion).” Perspectives on Psychological Science, vol. 12, no. 5, 2017, pp. 791–799. SAGE Journals.

Kluegel, James R., and Eliot R. Smith. Beliefs about Inequality: Americans’ Views of What Is and What Ought to Be. 1st ed., Routledge, 2017. DOI.org (Crossref).

Lidén, Gustav, and Anna Olofsson. “Living in a Foreign Country: The Meaning of Place of Origin and Gender for Risk Perceptions, Experiences, and Behaviors.” Journal of Risk Research, vol. 23, no. 3, 2020, pp. 365–378. DOI.org (Crossref).

van de Vijver, Fons J. R. “Ethnicity, Definitions Of.” The International Encyclopedia of Intercultural Communication, John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2017, pp. 1–5. Wiley Online Library.

Zuccotti, Carolina V., and Lucinda Platt. “Does Neighbourhood Ethnic Concentration in Early Life Affect Subsequent Labour Market Outcomes? A Study across Ethnic Groups in England and Wales: The Effect of Neighbourhood Ethnic Concentration in England and Wales.” Population, Space and Place, vol. 23, no. 6, 2017. DOI.org (Crossref).

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