Introduction
Clara explains the growth and development of the working class and conventional women movements from their homeland up to the 19th century to the beginning of the first quarter of the 20th century. Zetkin shows the strengths and possibilities that arose from women’s liberation in the revolution times. It focuses on specific interest for the present discussions and meetings on the females’ question together with the predictions of the ladies’ movement today from the cornerstone of historical experiences. It focuses majorly on the equality of all groups and women majored in because of the oppression they go through. They also show the link between the movement to the proletarian side and the stated role of the women in the struggle.
Zetkin further exposes the question of the unaffected ladies’ movement and linkage to the citizen and methods of supporting the struggle for communism. It also shows the influential prerequisite for the struggle of ladies and the prosperity of the action class liberation in the continuous fight against revolutionary egalitarianism. The economy has been centrally planned and managed to mobilize people and base resources quickly. While on the other side of Drakulic, the negative impact of communism included the restriction or suppression of people’s rights and freedom, antagonism not allowing the citizens have to follow the rules from a particular governing power. The nations are kept in total darkness without knowing what happens, workers’ wages and salaries are reduced, and many people live beyond poverty lines.
Clara Zetkin’s View on Feminism
Clara Zetkin has been one of the planners and organizers of the founding movement on the second international liberation alleged in Paris. Zetkin talked about the function of ladies in the activist association for communism and stressed the importance of a curriculum for working-class action. There was also the fact that women had to fight in support of the Maoist workforces and them being ready and willing to give as a portion of detriments and adversities. These planned actions and programs would result from the denial of gender equality at the global congregation. In the second international conference, Zetkin set the pace for activists from various states to fight against ladies’ interference with their rights.
These led to the drafting of the Erfurt programs of the Democratic Party that worked in demand for overall cost-effective, dogmatic, and authorized women equality. Zetkin and other stakeholders’ work entailed organizing women into forming unions that based their argument on achieving over the proletarian in the workers’ movement. In her speech on “only with the working class ladies will communism be successful,” the following got delivered. Firstly, nothing seems regarded as ladies’ liberation on its own, only a combination of the middle working class and proletarian that lack a common goal compared to the social participation with the bourgeois community.
The ladies in the high working class have attained their complete economic independence and neither as a woman who has the possibility of living a purposeful life. In the speech, a lady gets crumbs due to the industrialist inventions from the table. The main objective that Zetkin purposed to achieve is not precisely the free independence and opposition against men but bringing out the image and understanding the administrative function of the working cadres. “The proletarian woman fights hand in hand with the man of her class against capitalist society” (Zetkin, 2017, p. 80). The explanation goes further in joining together with men sharing the same class towards fighting the entrepreneurial society. The suppression of the industrialist movement and the formation of a socialist society will allow the freedom of women to take action. The Gotha congress stated that apart from having many contact points in the governmental and legal burdens for accomplishing reforms, the salaried class lacks a shared basis with other performing groups in line with conclusive entrepreneurial benefits.
Though the “Die Gleichheit” advocated for the interest of women activists, it is driven towards the most enlightened member of the high class regardless of whether they are enslaved by using their hands or mental capacities. It endeavours to make a realistic, clear understanding of the ancient cause of improvement and the capability not to perform deliberately in the fight of the working group. It also effectively clarified and educated their fellow mates about the clearly stated goal. There was also the document’s drafting that keenly gave an address toward the protestors of the communist liberation rather than the overall women population. The work condition got revealed in the sectors where women preponderated and provided details of factory decree that had to be utilized for ladies’ benefit.
Women had to get the permission and authorization to become members of the political parties after the written document gave well-defined stipulations. Challenges befitted Zetkin, and they got removed from the leadership position. They joined together with Rosa Luxemburg and continued to initiate the women’s actions that still gave firm victory. Zetkin concluded that the high-class German actor had to dram line in the Russian proletariat. Zetkin later advocated for the change of social democracy into a form that caters to all cadres. In addition, she has been the critical factor in supporting the ladies’ movement and a sequence of conferences to make sure that together with the democratic party of Germany, she achieves on the women’s side. “The woman had to be integrated in the radically changing system as a member of society with equal economic, political and social rights and duties” – that is Zetkin’s opinion on woman’s participation in revolutionary cause (Zetkin 188). Zetkin got criticized by the British and French ideologies about the denominational attitude and her women supporters to feminist programs. The ladies also got support from Alexandra Kollontai, who was interested in supporting the movement.
Zetkin also showed interest in hostility, domination, and colonialism, affecting most nations. At the second international congress, she called all global workforces to get ready for the battle against the threat of imperialist war. The bourgeois women liberation upstretched the rudimentary petition that ladies have equal status as men in the power ranking. The leaders had to maintain the comprehension of the demand meant manumission of all females without being exempted. These social and human freedom actions or the enslavers’ acts did not align with what the suffragettes wanted. The determinant of life is if women were the membership in the two classes that protected the right of the women and it not according to sex. The enslavement action’s primary cause would be eliminated if females were not exposed to exploitation closely connected to sound production and cultural advancement.
Zetkin explains that the equivalence of the advanced production’s social characteristic means that the individual properties were to be used as social property and the community given the control of their actions (Zetkin 167). The above strategy could allow a revolutionized economy with new and increased social form development that guarantees the overall womankind, freedom of development, and action regarding full humanity. The middle-class ladies movement had limitations on its advocacy of female liberation to the fight against the freedom and power of the man in the state and family affairs. The disadvantage had been an overall character of the movement, and it proved the suffragettes failed to understand the enormous and complex question of female liberation. The primary demand and needs of the ladies’ movement are aimed at smashing the command and supremacy of males over women. It also stipulated the equal right to contract from other partners, the same right over children, a mutual sexual code, the right of a woman to dispose of her property and salaries.
Additionally, there also entailed equal rights and freedom over activities like movement, full administrative and political participation in the nation, and the sub-divisions. Zetkin also shows a more profound analysis of the worth and importance of the documented alterations that used to justify and abolish the slavery acts of females was reduced. The achievement of the bourgeois movement principally to the benefit of parsimoniously free women of the property-owning, governing and manipulating cadres. The middle-class movement must firmly stick on the ground and protect it against the developing proletarian. It attempted to restructure the liberation by relaxing the legal and social restraints that kept the ladies in suppression to benefit men.
Socially Independent Women’s Liberation
The activity and performance of movement are directed towards citizens who have burdens subjugated by capitalism to raise and fight for their rights as an opposing group. The action by the communist is geared to touching a large mass of working women who have been mistreated and robbed by governing powers. It paved the way for the awakening of ladies from all social mistreatment. The rise of women acting has been brought about by understanding the global rebellion is the only technique from slavery. The collectivist liberation sketched valuable conclusions in action and theory from the world wars. The faithful adherence to the ancient understanding of radical Marxism and the continuous application to challenges for social development led to mistreatment. The international Leninist agreed that it could accomplish the tasks before the action and the success of the overall waged people. It had to do away with eliminating the capitalist structure, and the movement’s achievement needed support for interconnection between men and women struggle of the salaried class.
The socially independent ladies’ liberation came up with a strategy and framework from the leadership system under operation. The background assisted the movement to learn from the weaknesses and failures. The directorial opinion convincingly pointed out that the initial condition for liberation through collectivism is revolution. The guiding framework explains more about the reforms, and they remained with collaged solutions in a manipulative and dominating bourgeois community and offered nothing to the question under women. The principal also refused to organize women separately and had to join a communist coalition in their own countries.
Slavenka Drakulic View on Communism Compared to Clara Zetkins Opinion
Drakulic’s perceptions on the negative impact of collectivism are based on the sufferings and difficulties in the communist period. Her passionate explanation of life included the absence of daily products, the overcrowded survival conditions in Eastern Europe, and the overbearing and suppressive characters of the Stalinist government towards the personal level. For example, Drakulic says that “privacy was a bad word, the peering was even safe”, meaning the lack of privacy and confidentiality in Warsaw Pact countries (97). These give full details of why Drakulic focuses on the opposing sides of the deeds (Davis, 2020). People surviving under the Stalinist side would have enough and adequate resources, but a change occurred on the promised plans. Communist people majored mostly in manufacturing weapons and could not possess the ability and capability to produce rudimentary products. In her book, Drakulic remembers, how “men hoped to buy a new refrigerator or a new car” (xv). Also, differences occurred when the newly formed countries in Europe tried to improve their living standards and condition by creating gender equality.
Drakulic gives a driving point that the ideas of the communist of gender equality by describing the defects it has concerning men, females, and activities. Despite the government giving a trial in promoting the equality act, questions about the type of work seemed challenging to get answers to them. For instance, Drakulic says that “women still didnt have time to be involved in politics” (xv). Women proposed to have the ability to undertake tasks like laundry, floor scrubbing, and ironing clothes for the bosses. The equality plan has never been established as planned because of women being overloaded and mistreated. For instance, in Poland, Women’s Communism and Industrialism describe the syndicalist vision on fairness. The act by Fidelis portrays a female manufacturing laborer who wears a both-gender uniform that makes it difficult for identification from men. Chauvinism against ladies in the collectivist countries was prevalent, and it posed a challenge by the government on what needs action to save the female gender.
The Impact of Women on Eastern European Communism
The impacts of societal deterioration of gender functions get noted in the individual lives of men and women. Their life experiences make them lack everything and say on the matter that needs to be addressed by their means. There is the reliance of order from the above governing powers on what needs attention and who to participate. The ruling system seems dictatorial since the city has nothing to share with the controllers. The mode of operation is working under control or even enslavement in many activities. Drakulic also uses more examples to drive the main key points; for the case of couples getting separated, it is noticed that female fights for survival and bigotry together with suppressed personality lead to dissociation. In addition, Slavenka also contradicted the myths that the female gender is logically obedient and their best place to live be home. Drakulic also argued that one of the women’s challenges was make-up, hair products and experts, and specific clothes they could wear to differentiate them from others.
The worker in the manufacturing and production sectors were heavily overloaded with many jobs that affected their health and inflicted stress on their lives. The payment they received from their activities was taxed, and they got a tiny amount. These activities drove the women and their families to live below the poverty line. The communist government could also delay the payment or even assume that ladies need to offer their services for free. The struggle for communalism and feminism has been considered the same since both parties act for what they deserve. Drakulic also explains that the rise of the feminist group was considered a threat to the government, the formed groups by female organizations got attacked by other women. These actions led to the repetitive suppression of ladies’ choices and decisions in line with not being able to come up with any life-changing idea.
There was also limited access to knowledge for women since it has been assumed that ladies should work under control. The denial of information led to the inability to come up with feminist organizations that were likely to challenge the communist powers. It forms the reasons as to why they could not allow women to gang up. Oppression and slavery have dominated the communist side and developed a negative attitude towards women. The lack of data and information led to more advanced life-changing forms for ladies to benefit from despite going through challenges and staying in the dark. Many ladies had high intellectual capacity, but suppression formed the barriers. Some feminists like Clara Zetkin faced many challenges despite having achieved the primary goal of the women’s movement.
The increased poverty and suffering led to the increased demand for products that could not be available, and starvation affected them. They could work in the firms and produce a harvest, but they lacked the permission to carry food from the firms. The day-to-day activities made them weaker and formed the strength of communist society (Gaido & Frencia, 2018). Women could change their life, but limitations affected them wholly. The limited access to commodities leads to women changing their life patterns and behavior to get what they feel is necessary for their families. They had to engage in illegal activities to get support which later made many of them live in single lives, and others joined the egalitarian groups. The main aim of joining the cadres entailed; getting support from fellow women and getting rid of the lifestyle with Leninists that oppressed them. These improved enslavement actions led women to form associations to fight for their rights.
Conclusion
In conclusion, both sides of communism and feminist have variant ideas about women’s liberation of their rights and freedom. It is about the balance of genders and being given equal rights and prospects on the ladies’ side. It shows concern in respecting women’s life experiences and appreciation for what the ladies do to save their families. They need to get knowledge and skill to further their plans and even promote the country’s economic status. Their strengths and weaknesses should alert all they need overall protection from mistreatment. Empowerment has to take action, enabling them to understand their full rights.
Feminist organizations that protect the ladies from exploitation and slavery have to raise and fight for their needs. Suppression has to be eliminated, and consequences have been taken for those who violate the set. The allowance of the female gender to participate in the political decision needs to get support from both the citizens and the governing bodies, and it will ensure that their interests are well represented. The rules and regulation change has to be done and fixed with the supporting formats. The basis of freedom is on the gender balance and non-discrimination. The slogan of no human is limited to any action that must adopt. The transition from one era to another depends on how women are valued and their contribution to economic development. Feminism and communism have remarkable similarities in that they pose critical information about women’s lives and how they survive through the process.
References
Drakulić, S. (1992). How we survived communism and even laughed. Hutchinson.
Davis, D. (2020). The Hitler Youth & Communism: the impacts of a brainwashed generation in post-war politics in Eastern Germany. Saber and Scroll, a Publication of the APUS Historical Studies Honor Society Journal, 8(3). Web.
Gaido, D., & Frencia, C. (2018). “A Clean break”: Clara Zetkin, the socialist women’s movement, and feminism. International Critical Thought, 8(2), 277-303. Web.
Zetkin, C. (2017). Rosa Luxemburg’s views on the Russian revolution. Red Star Publishers.