Introduction
Jordan is among the countries that strive to demonstrate the democratic nature of its system while still manipulating and controlling elections. Moreover, the issues of representation and international relations have a significant influence on its political landscape. Overall, the two articles by Fathi (2005) and Csicsmann (2007) share similarities in their depictions of Jordan, depicting its political system as a tool of control and the influence of regional tensions on the political landscape, though they differ in their timelines.
Political System as a Tool of Control
A recurrent theme in both articles is the portrayal of Jordan’s political system as a tool of control and manipulation. For example, in Fathi’s (2005) article, it is noted that King Abdullah has a reputation as a staunch advocate of democratic politics, at least in theory. However, he preferred to remain on Jordan’s regressive course when he took the throne a few years ago. The first justification for the postponement of the elections was the need to draft new legislation (Fathi, 2005). The new law increased the voting age from 18 to 19 and the total number of deputies from 80 to 104 (Fathi, 2005).
New elections were scheduled for July 2002, following the governing body’s preparations to make the elections in line with transparency values (Fathi, 2005). However, they were moved to September, Spring 2003, and June, when they finally happened (Fathi, 2005). Indeed, one of the conventional instruments the government uses to control election outcomes while maintaining democracy is the election law (Karmel and Linfield, 2021). As a result, readers can observe how Jordan’s government sought to demonstrate democratic values while still maintaining control over citizens and elections.
At the same time, a similar image of the issue is presented in Csicsmann’s (2007) article. As Fathi (2005) does, Csicsmann (2007) argues that changes in election law are among the primary means of influencing vote outcomes in Jordan. It is cited as the official cause for the two-year election delay. The current election legislation was drafted in 1993, a few months before the elections, to silence the Islamic Action Front, the regime’s vocal opponents who had controlled the legislature (Bozkurt and Ünalmış, 2022).
However, unlike Fathi (2005), the given author also focuses on the marginalization of local communities. For instance, it is often the case that, to capitalize on links and allegiances, the authorities redraw electoral districts to favor tribal areas (Brandt, 2024). The election law, which is regularly revised, benefits the tribal and rural regions. Meanwhile, the more urbanized and predominantly Palestinian northern districts lack representation in the voting system since the majority of Palestinians are not engaged in internal politics (Csicsmann, 2007). Thus, aside from postponing elections, mechanisms for vote weighting and representation were implemented.
Regional Tensions’ Impact on Jordan’s Political Landscape
Both articles also touch on the influence of external factors, such as international relations and regional conflicts, on Jordan’s political landscape. In Fathi’s (2005) article, it is noted that, after several discussions and assurances to the contrary, the leadership decided to postpone elections again in August 2002 due to the situation in Iraq. King Abdullah stated in a speech that the government genuinely hoped that various circumstances would allow it to hold the elections on time.
Still, the problematic regional conditions demanded that it postpone them (Fathi, 2005). Extremists of all kinds emerged as a result of the political unrest in the occupied regions and the growing dread of an American strike on Iraq (Dodge, 2019). In such a case, it was argued that the state of affairs in the region fails to motivate governments to hold elections, since Jordanians, as a manifestation of their dissatisfaction, can vote for ‘extreme politicians’ who make the government’s task very difficult. As a result, Fathi’s (2005) piece demonstrates how regional conflicts around Jordan were used to control local demographics and politics.
In a similar vein, Csicsmann (2007) also mentions the role of Iraq and regional disputes. The writer highlights that the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is greatly impacted by both global events and its neighbors (Csicsmann, 2007). Jordan’s internal security has been impacted to some extent by the war on terrorism, the Iraq War in 2003, the Palestinian uprising in 2000, and other events (Csicsmann, 2007). Thus, reforms in politics have been delayed as a result of the wars on terrorism and Iraq, which have also had further effects on domestic security. In such a case, both writers emphasized how geopolitical factors shape the government’s approach to internal politics.
Contrasting Perspectives
There are clear distinctions in how each article delivers its critique of Jordan’s political system, despite the shared topics. The first article takes a more contemporary approach, focusing on recent developments and their implications. Fathi (2005) focuses on the 21st century and the late monarch’s liberalization program.
At the same time, the author highlights the harsher measures that were necessary due to the program’s early outcomes and the regional developments that followed its launch (Fathi, 2005). Formal democratization, or more accurately, the façade of democratization under the cover of political pluralism, had become an integral part of the Hashemite preservation strategy, one that the new king was unwilling to abandon (Fathi, 2005). Thus, the leadership faced the paradox of an official commitment to democratization alongside an illiberal state policy.
In contrast, the second piece adopts a historical perspective, charting the development and manipulation of Jordan’s political structure across time. The author focuses on the events of the 20th century and how they shaped the further trajectory of Jordan’s political landscape. In the end, the author demonstrates that King Abdullah II launched positive programs such as Jordan First and the National Agenda 2006–2015 to deflect criticism from his disgruntled populace (Csicsmann, 2007). King Abdullah II dissolved the Parliament on March 2, 2007, and declared elections for later in the year (Csicsmann, 2007). The writer also emphasizes that, despite the presence of reform-oriented leadership and a popular audience, a swift change of government is unlikely in the near future.
Conclusion
In summary, though their timeframes differ, the two pieces by Fathi (2005) and Csicsmann (2007) portray Jordan similarly, showing that its political system is an instrument of control and that regional tensions shape the country’s political landscape. The idea of Jordan’s political system as a tool of manipulation and control recurs throughout both essays. Readers can see how Jordan’s government attempted to uphold democratic principles while maintaining control over its population and electoral processes by reading Fathi’s (2005) piece.
At the same time, Csicsmann’s (2007) article presents a similar picture of the problem. The impact of outside variables on Jordan’s political environment, such as regional wars and international ties, is also discussed in both sections. Despite the common themes, each article’s critique of Jordan’s political system differs noticeably from the other. Taking a more modern tack, the first piece concentrates on current events and their ramifications. The second article, on the other hand, takes a historical approach and charts the evolution and manipulation of Jordan’s political system across time.
Reference List
Bozkurt, A. and Ünalmış, M. (2022) ‘Partnership and rescue party and the transformation of political opposition in Jordan‘, Religions, 13(2), p. 136.
Brandt, M. (2024) Tribes and politics in Yemen: A history of the Houthi conflict. London: Oxford University Press.
Csicsmann, L. (2007) ‘Responsible freedom and national security: liberalisation and de-liberalisation in Jordan under King Abdullah II’, Society and Economy 29(1), pp. 103-122.
Dodge, T. (2019) ‘The causes of US failure in Iraq’, In Survival, 49(1), pp. 85-106. Routledge.
Fathi, S. (2005) ‘Jordanian survival strategy: the election law as a safety valve’, Middle Eastern Studies 4(6), pp. 889-898.
Karmel, E. J. and Linfield, D. (2021) ‘Jordan’s election law: reinforcing barriers to democracy‘, Middle East Law and Governance, 13(3), pp. 395-408.