Religious Influence in the Salem Witch Trials

Introduction

The 1692 Salem Witch Trials are remembered as one of the most horrific mass hysteria cases in American history. A group of Salem citizens accused their neighbors of witchcraft, leading to the execution of 19 people (Laskaris 1). In 1953, American playwright Arthur Miller took Salem Witch Trials as an inspiration for his famous play The Crucible. Miller intended to draw a clear parallel between the McCarthyist United States of the 1950s and the Salem witch hunt. As a result, Miller associated the Salem Witch Trials with political and socioeconomic drivers.

Main body

For instance, in Miller’s interpretation, Reverend Samuel Parris is mostly obsessed with his position in society and desires to keep his pulpit. Abigail Williams, the main antagonist, and accuser of innocent people instigate mass hysteria in order to have revenge and gain power (Miller). However, the real-life Salem Witch Trials had a more prominent religious aspect. Religion was a cornerstone of the Puritan community, a strong linkage between morals and the law, and the foundation of secular authority. In this regard, religious influences can be considered one of the key factors that contributed to the tragic fate of the Salem witch hunt victims.

Most importantly, the Puritan inhabitants of New England were true, devoted Christian believers. In addition, it is necessary to realize that the Puritans were an incredibly stringent and principled group of Protestant Christians (Noblett 7). The Puritan colonists lived in a dangerous world full of uncertainty, and religion provided them with a sense of hope and security. According to Thomson, the deeply God-fearing Puritans were genuinely scared of the fires of Hell (37). Therefore, the actions of the accusers and prosecutors during the Salem Witch Trials could have likely been guided solely by religious rationale. From the modern man’s perspective, the Salem witch hunt was nothing but a mindless act of paranoia. However, the 17th-century Salem Puritans might have viewed these events as an attempt to secure salvation in the afterlife by showing their devotion to God. From the religious perspective, the citizens of Salem took steps to eradicate the terrible sin of witchcraft and prevent their community from falling out of God’s grace.

It is important to note that the 17th-century Salem community experienced severe socio-economic and political issues. Salem was essentially divided into two distinct parts — well-organized, wealthy Salem Town and poor, institutionally weak Salem Village (Thomson 23). In the face of these social tensions, many residents of Salem turned to the church to cleanse the land of sin and restore harmony (Thomson 36). As devoted believers, Salem residents might have perceived strange afflictions as a sign of the Devil’s intervention or God’s displeasure. In this regard, the Salem Witch Trials may be perceived as a religiously-driven response, a desperate attempt to restore order and heal the community.

Secondly, religion provided strong moral and legal foundations for the witch trials. According to Laskaris, the elements of Puritan beliefs served to create a narrative of deceit — a juxtaposition of pious accusers and vile accused (11). For instance, Salem girls added accusations of murder to the accusations of witchcraft in at least 17 cases; their evidence was typically based on apparitions of the murdered (Laskaris 11). From the modern man’s perspective, such testimonies can only be considered nonsensical — nowadays, a conversation with a ghost would hardly count as solid evidence in the court. However, in 17th-century Salem, girls’ testimonies contributed to the public vision of justice. These narratives of deceit informed the citizens of Salem that the accused were not merely witches — they were violent criminals who had harmed the community and avoided punishment (Laskaris 12). As such, Salem residents might have perceived Witch Trials as a form of divine vengeance that God delivered through the words of accusers.

In regard to a legal standpoint, religion provided the necessary basis for arresting suspected witches and bringing them to trial. Witchcraft and devil worship was condemned by the Bible, the holy scripture of the Puritan faith (Karunakar 9547). As a result, the religiously-based accusations of witchcraft received strong legal backing (Noblett). The alleged witches automatically became potential agents of the Devil, a significant threat to all devoted Puritans. Therefore, the God-fearing authorities of Salem had no other choice but duly questioned those who might have committed horrible sins against the pious community. In the end, such a merger of religious and legal domains led to consequences almost incomprehensible to a modern American.

Lastly, religion produced a significant impact on the Witch Trials due to the stance held by Reverend Samuel Parris, the minister of Salem. Whereas Parris cannot be called the sole cause of events, his attitude significantly contributed to their violent outcome. For instance, Parris constantly dwelled on the struggle between the forces of Christ and Satan and threatened the public with an imminent invasion of devils (Minkema 372). In this regard, it was logical for Parris and his followers to see the demonic possession when several young women in Salem exhibited strange behavior.

An aggressive stance taken by Reverend Parris culminated in his These Shall Make War with the Lamb sermon. Parris depicted the final fight between the “forces of the Lamb” — the righteous and the followers of the Antichrist, such as Catholics and Jews (Minkema 372). The Reverend assured the citizens of Salem of the ultimate victory of the Lamb, but only if they decisively sided with the good and opposed evil created by Satan. The sermon was delivered on September 11, 1692, after six Salem witches had been sentenced to death (Minkema 372). As such, Parris gave his flock a choice between joining the witch hunt or admitting to being on Satan’s side. In this example, one can see how the Puritan minister instigated violence instead of de-escalating the situation. Moreover, Reverend Parris drew a line where non-participation in the witch hunt became a sign of siding with the enemies, the agents of Satan. As a result, the religious leader of Salem’s Puritans directly contributed to mass hysteria and subsequent executions of innocent people.

Conclusion

In conclusion, one can claim that Arthur Miller’s interpretation of the Salem Witch Trials emphasizes political and socioeconomic factors. Miller saw the similarities between the 1950s McCarthyism and the 17th-century witch hunt. However, the real-life perpetrators and accusers experienced strong religion-based influences. Firstly, the Puritan citizens of Salem were likely trying to curb Devil’s plots, as they genuinely believed in God and tried to appease him. Secondly, Puritan beliefs created the moral and legal premises necessary for Witch Trials. Finally, Reverend Parris, the religious leader of Salem, prepared his followers’ minds for the witch hunt by openly preaching hostility and aggression. A combination of these powerful influences resulted in an almost surrealistic, barely believable tragic case of mass hysteria and injustice.

Works Cited

Karunakar, Deeksha. “A Study of Salem Witch Trial: A Gender and Religion Based Discrimination.” Annals of the Romanian Society for Cell Biology, vol. 25, no. 4, 2021, pp. 9536-9552.

Laskaris, Isabelle. “Agency and Emotion of Young Female Accusers in the Salem Witchcraft Trials.” Cultural and Social History, vol. 16, no. 4, 2019, pp. 1-17.

Miller, Arthur. The Crucible. 1953. Web.

Minkema, Kenneth, P. “Possession, Witchcraft, and the Demonic in Puritan Religious Culture.” Religions of the United States in Practice, Volume 1, edited by Colleen McDannell, Wiley-Blackwell, 2018, pp. 366-402.

Noblett, Jacob. “From Salem to Eden: Satanic Ritual Abuse and American Law.” The Macksey Journal, vol. 1, no. 1, 2020, pp. 1-15.

Thomson, Connor. “Fearful Tension: The Salem Witch Trials.” Mysterion: The Theology Journal of Boston College, vol. 1, no.1, 2021, pp. 20-40.

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