Introduction
In Great Britain, the history of the relationship between the state, society, and social classes that need state and public support was full of bold decisions, successful and failed experiments, and dramatic twists and turns. Most of these have been associated with a long and, in many ways, unique evolution of British poverty law. This paper aims to assess the effectiveness of the New Poor Law system established in 1834 in the context of the creation of a local government in Great Britain. To achieve this aim, several tasks were set and disclosed. First, provide some background context regarding poverty as a social problem and its causes. Second, consider the historical context of previous anti-poverty policies. Third, analyze Chadwick’s contribution to developing the New Poor Law Amendment Act (1834) and public attitudes towards it. Fourth, discuss the specifics of workhouses, and fifth, outline the features of the reform implementation and its consequences. The paper’s main argument is that the New Poor Law of 1834 effectively laid the foundations for the institutional component of modern local government in Great Britain.
Poverty as a Social Problem and Its Causes
The poverty and misery in Britain sharply escalated in the late 18th century. The industrial revolution and urban development led to a rapid increase in the population and, accordingly, an increase in the number of poor people requiring social care. According to Webb and Webb (2018), the population of Great Britain doubled during 1760-1832. Other causes of poverty were rising unemployment, low wages, the results of fencing, increased taxes on property in counties that were not beneficial to wealthy landlords and middle class, and wars with France. The aggravation of the problem did not mean the worsening of the situation of the poor but the discomfort that appeared among the strata that paid taxes in favor of the poor. Sen (2017) notes that from 1750 to 1817, the poor rate rose from £ 1 million to £ 9.5 million, which averaged about 20% of property returns in Great Britain. Thus, in the early 19th century, British society was faced with the problem of the spread of poverty.
Overcoming Poverty before the Adoption of the NPL in 1834
The social policy of early capitalism in England was mainly regulated by three laws that were in force until 1834, including The Poor Law 1601, Statute of Artificers 1563, and The 1662 Poor Relief Act. They provided for a system of state responsibility for helping the poor by establishing state obligations, which were implemented through local guardianship bodies. According to Clark (2019), the funding source was the tax on land and buildings, church tithes, charitable contributions, and fines. The laws also contained such provisions as a legislative compulsion to work, seven years of apprenticeship, and deprivation of the rights of agricultural workers to freedom of movement. With these legislative acts, the British government in the 16th – 18th centuries managed to create an effective assistance system for the poor.
Chadwick and the Development of the New Poor Law Amendment Act (1834)
Edwin Chadwick is one of the key figures in forming social policy in Britain, who became one of the developers of the New Poor Law of 1834. It is noteworthy that Chadwick’s reform activities cause the most heated discussions. According to Glennerster (2004), in Marxist studies, Chadwick was called an arrogant centralizer and the infamous author of the Poor Law. In turn, Smith et al. (2001) note that in the middle of the XX century, in biographical works, he is presented as an outstanding utilitarian and reformer. At the end of the 20th century, Chadwick’s activities were considered as a factor in the formation of the state’s welfare.
The first half of the 19th century can be considered a period of a sharp increase in social problems and transformation of the laissez-faire principle – non-interference of the state in private and local interests. Moreover, at the beginning of the 19th century, government spending on providing for the poor increased sharply. According to Jones (2017), in the 1780s, it amounted to 2 million pounds sterling, in 1803 – 4 million, and in 1818 – 8 million. This has sparked controversy in public circles about the legitimacy of such high costs of implementing the Poor Law. Jones and Carter (2019) note that the Royal Commission, relying on the policy of state non-interference in socio-economic processes, decided to abolish the old system and introduce a new procedure for assisting those in need. Dissatisfaction with the harshness of the new poverty laws has led many residents to petition parliament to form movements.
Workhouses
The New Poor Law of 1834 provided for the limitation and prevention of the growth of those wishing to receive public assistance. According to Fujimura (2018), the process of receiving material benefits was made as unattractive as possible. The main message of this law is that the poor should not be a burden to taxpayers; they should take care of themselves. Alcock (2006) notes that the poor began to be seen as socially dangerous elements, and poverty was treated as a crime. Poverty has become a shame, and the poor person has become the object of universal condemnation.
Checkland and Checkland (1974) affirm that according to the new law, aid provision to the employable poor outside the workhouse was stopped. The poor had to be categorized according to age and ability to work. The basic administrative units of Britain, at that time the parishes, were combined into 600 unions for the construction of workhouses, since for individual parishes, the maintenance of a workhouse could be financially unattainable.
Implementation of the Law and Its Effectiveness
The Royal Commission has periodically tried to combat the provision of social benefits to the working-age poor. Fry (2019) asserts that in 1944, the Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order was issued to finally discontinue the provision of cash assistance to employable persons, except in certain duly motivated cases. If such assistance was appointed, the Royal Commission had to approve such a decision by the local authorities. However, Cannadine (2018) notices that the objectives of this decree were not achieved because many unions continued to provide social assistance to employable people outside workhouses. According to Jones (2000), the Royal Commission’s oversight of the Board of Guardians was ineffective because it was limited to inspectors’ visits twice a year and the regular formal provision of the necessary statistical data.
The difficulties with implementing the provisions of the 1834 Law are interpreted as the failure of the reform. Nevertheless, the effectiveness of the reform can be confirmed by financial indicators. Boyer (2018) notes that during the first year of the reform, the total poor rate decreased from £ 8,000,000 to £ 5,750,000. Moreover, although during the 1840s – 1860s, the tax levies fluctuated between £ 5-6 million, the total cost of custody of the poor was no longer formed exclusively from the tax on property.
An analysis of the implementation of the 1834 Law suggests that not all of its goals were achieved. It was impossible to reduce social benefits to the able-bodied poor and move the center of social assistance to workhouses. Furthermore, the process of uniting parishes into districts was also slow. However, Clark and Page (2019) affirm that this rather indicates the success of the reform, its organic implementation, taking into account the socio-economic conditions in the country, local characteristics, without pressure from the central government. The most critical innovations in local government were the consolidation of historically established parishes to increase their administrative efficiency and the involvement of the public and its elected representatives in local government.
It is also worth mentioning the creation of local specialized bodies designed to carry out local government functions. Subsequently, established Poor Law Commission, Poor Law Board, and the Local Government Board have been transformed into local self-government institutions such as Boards of Guardians, Rural Sanitary Authorities, and Rural District Councils. Moreover, such a distinctive feature of English self-government as significant freedom of action of local institutions received its formalization. This contributed to the achievement of effective government and assurance of the community’s interests, on the one hand, and judicial and central control, on the other. It is essential that the system of local government, transforming and developing in difficult socio-economic conditions, has evolved from the principle of non-interference of the state in the community’s internal affairs to forced centralization.
Conclusion
The new Poor Law has effectively laid the foundations for the institutional building of modern local government in the UK. First, this is evidenced by the fact that organizations created under the law were transformed into other institutions either by expanding their sphere of influence and functions or by transferring some functions to other institutions. Secondly, the principles of functioning of the created structures were subsequently transferred to other local government spheres. Third, the reforms have made it possible to achieve the results that their authors expected, as evidenced by the reduction in spending on benefits to the poor.
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