Introduction
The March 2017 cover of Time magazine features stark red lettering against a black background, loudly asking the question: “Is Truth Dead?” The headline is indicative of the rise of anti-intellectualism and conspiracy theories among the American public within the last ten years. Large sections of the American population believe that mainstream scientific views are fabricated by shady governmental institutions for nefarious purposes, and thus deny the existence of COVID-19 or climate change. The discussion regarding misinformation, fake news, and conspiracy theories is currently at the forefront of public discourse. High rates of anti-science attitudes have been linked to media use, the mistrust of science in the face of a global pandemic, political partisanship, and reduced public willingness to adopt recommended behaviors.
Anti-science in Online Media
Older generations are more used to consuming legacy media and thus suffer from a low level of digital media literacy that leaves them unable to discern quality information. Legacy media such as newspapers, radio, and TV has historically been relatively balanced in their representation of current events and mainly published verified information. However, the goal of digital news is to rapidly attract the attention of as many users as possible; this is usually achieved through sensationalism, fearmongering, or outright disinformation. Furthermore, the distribution of information is no longer in the hands of professional agencies and journalists but anyone with access to the Internet. This difference in the media ecosystem is better understood by younger generations that easily bounce between media channels to gain a wider perspective and easily identify fake news (Manalu, Pradekso & Setyabudy). However, the majority of legacy media users remain overly trusting of online sources because they are unable to assess its quality and credibility.
The issue of media literacy is exacerbated by the algorithm-driven nature of social media. The content presented to users is tailored to their preferences through algorithms, facilitating intellectual isolation by creating filter bubbles and echo chambers (Soetekouw & Angelopoulos). Online sources anticipate this and publish conspiracy theories that fit into the existing beliefs of their target demographic. For example, Trump and his supporters repeatedly called climate change a hoax and referred to the “deep state”, a conspiracy that a network of clandestine actors are secretly controlling the federal government. Online content creators exploited this distrust in public institutions among conservatives and began publishing other conspiracy theories. Numerous “influencers” claimed to have inside knowledge of medical conspiracies and spread misinformation about COVID-19. Echo chambers created by social media algorithms intensify anti-science attitudes by fostering intellectual isolation and encouraging content creators to distort information in order to appeal to their target demographic.
The Effects of the Pandemic and Political Partisanship
Anti-science movements have existed for decades in the U.S. Awareness that scientists are not free of ideology leads to conspiracy theories about their hidden motives and institutional wrongdoings, contributing to general science skepticism. Scientific claims are more likely to be rejected if they threaten a person’s worldview or ideology. It has been noted that it is not the scientific method itself that is the root cause of controversy but its implications for public policy (Rutjens, van Der Linden & van Der Lee). The anti-vaccine movement originated twenty years ago with Andrew Wakefield’s claim, since retracted, that measles vaccines cause autism. Wakefield’s claim has been linked to the percentage of students with vaccine exemptions doubling from 2007 to 2013 in California (Amit Prasad). Science skepticism, conspiracy theories about hidden agendas, and vaccine hesitation are not new phenomena, but their impact has intensified with online media and the pandemic.
In the wake of COVID-19, the movement attained a political dimension when numerous groups began refusing to follow public health measures in the name of so-called “health freedom”, accompanied by exploitative Holocaust references. Conservative representatives downplayed the threat of coronavirus compared to liberals during the first wave of COVID-19 cases (Priniski & Holyoak). Conspiracy theorists promoted narratives that scientific organizations conspired with Democrats to secretly push political agendas (Priniski & Holyoak). As a result, defying mask mandates and social distancing became a central component of conservative identity and allegiance to the political right. People denied the existence and severity of the pandemic because they personally did not experience COVID-19. Trump, major conservative pundits, and mass media outlets actively began sowing public distrust in scientific expertise and publicly supported anti-vaccine groups (Priniski & Holyoak). Multiple protests occurred in the U.S. in 2020 against government-mandated lockdown measures (Hotez). Anti-science became a central component of the political far-right party platform in the wake of COVID-19 because it was viewed as a protest against government interference and Democrat conspiracy.
Reduced Public Willingness to Adapt Recommended Behaviors
The mistrust of science, belief in coronavirus conspiracies, and political partisanship reduce public willingness to comply with recommended public health measures. The latter encompass a communitarian ethos based on acceptance of scientific information and include social distancing, self-quarantining, mask-wearing, and vaccination (Esmaeilzadeh). However, representatives of the far-right do not believe in collective responsibility, the severity of coronavirus, or the veracity of scientific studies about the effectiveness of preventative measures. Instead, they accept online conspiracy theories about mask mandates and contact tracing as a form of government control and unconstitutional state interference into private life. For example, in 2020, a viral video claimed scientists had planned the pandemic for financial profit and to deprive Americans of their liberties through illegitimate mandates (Priniski & Holyoak). President Trump insisted that the virus would disappear miraculously by itself without any need for governmental measures and publicly supported the protesters against mask mandates. Distrust in science and governmental institutions means large sections of the public are unwilling to follow preventive measures for COVID-19.
Counterargument
Some might argue that anti-science attitudes are not confined to a certain age group or political affiliation, and it is discriminatory to represent it as solely a movement among older conservative generations. It is true that there are some Democrats under the age of twenty-five who believe in COVID-19 conspiracy theories and oppose government health mandates. However, it cannot be denied that anti-science attitudes are statistically more likely to be found amongst certain sections of the population, particularly considering the fact that far-right politicians even use anti-science as part of their party platform. The purpose of this paper is not to present a theoretical framework that encompasses every individual with an anti-science stance, but simply note the general trends within the movement.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the rise of anti-science is facilitated by shifts in the media ecosystem, political polarization, the COVID-19 pandemic, and ensuing preventative health measures. Users of legacy media are unable to assess the quality of online sources wherein the goal is to attract and retain the attention of as many users as possible, even through misinformation and sensationalism. The existing distrust of governmental institutions and science was heightened by the COVID-19 pandemic and conservative narratives about it being a conspiracy between Democrats and science organizations to strip people of their civil liberties. Refusing to acknowledge the severity of coronavirus and protesting against “unconstitutional” mask and vaccine mandates became a core part of conservative identity. In order to combat anti-science attitudes and the proliferation of unverified conspiracy theories, society needs to prioritize media literacy and reducing political polarization.
Works Cited
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