Racial Discrimination and Poverty

Introduction

Racial discrimination and poverty reinforce contemporary issues, hindering global progress toward equality. With the growing population of African Americans in the United States, severe discrimination and racial inequality heighten. Despite progress in certain areas, evidence from several studies establishes that racial discrimination and poverty are salient risk factors of health and economic disparities, plus low living standards. For example, Beech et al. (2021) point to inferior healthcare initiatives for minority groups, including Black Americans. In response, the 2030 SDG (sustainable development goal) agenda provides a shared framework for governments to end poverty and systemic racism. Building a world beyond poverty and racism is essential in promoting equality and a sustainable future. The paper discusses racial discrimination and poverty among African Americans in the United States and their impact on lifestyle, healthcare, and economic lives. Racial discrimination and poverty in the United States have led to low living standards and more health disparities among African Americans compared to whites.

Racial Discrimination and Poverty among African Americans

The growing research on American minorities suggests a broad pattern of discrimination against blacks in the United States. Over 40 percent of the world population lives in poverty, which reflects economic status plus social exclusion based on institutional behavior, practices, and policies on primary interventions that address racial disparities (Beech et al., 2021, p. 2). Forde et al. (2020) state that discrimination entails discrete and daily life events. Therefore, racial discrimination comes from an oppressive system based on power systems that give access to resources and opportunities without a standardized approach; racial discrimination comprises unfavorable treatment based on race, culture, descent, color, ethnic or national origin. Moody et al. (2021) discuss racism as an oppressive system that encourages ideologies of racial prejudice and discrimination, which are at the core of prejudice, structural inequality, and conflict. In 2015, the poverty rate among black reached 24 percent (Iceland, 2019, p. 3). As per the Census Bureau’s 2019 Supplementary Poverty Measure, approximately 18.3 percent of black residents in the U.S live in poverty (Parolin & Lee, 2022, p. 1). The American legal, political, and socio-economic systems are plagued with inequality, ultimately having disproportionate impacts on marginalized groups and people of color.

In essence, historical and current racial discrimination have weakened institutions that could potentially reduce poverty. Beech et al. (2021) define poverty as a lack of necessary resources to meet basic needs. The federal poverty level (FPL) determines relative poverty levels in the U.S., and wealth inequalities are greater than income disparity across ethnic groups (Beech et al., 2021). People should enjoy fundamental rights and freedom without distinction in any form. Parolin and Lee (2022) further contend that racial discrimination and poverty are linked, with substantial evidence of ethnic minorities as most affected. Racial discrimination is a problem in itself and a challenge to eradicating poverty.

Despite the steady decline of poverty over the years, recent disruptions like the COVID-19 pandemic compound the slow progress of poverty reduction. According to Beech et al. (2021), the U.S. records the highest poverty rates among developed countries, which is relatively high in communities of color. For this reason, black children are more likely to grow up poor than white children. Moody et al. (2021) established that compared to whites, African Americans living in poverty report a greater discriminatory burden across different social statuses, including gender, health status, and income. The consequences of poverty coupled with racial discrimination are robust, making it challenging to obtain stability and status in society. Plus, the rising poverty level among African Americans translates to their higher representation of the homeless population. Generally, the influence of racialized perceptions on the labor market and social policies further increases poverty rates, especially for minority groups.

Impact of Racial Discrimination and Poverty among African Americans

Health Disparities

Reduced healthcare access, poor housing conditions, employment issues, and pre-existing health conditions are some of the ways through which poverty and ethnic discrimination contribute to health disparities. For one, underlying health conditions like cancer, diabetes, and Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) make individuals more vulnerable to interpersonal discrimination that is closely related to social health factors. Beech et al. (2021) state that minority groups face a disproportionate burden of mental problems, obesity, and other chronic conditions with a lower likelihood of evidence-based care for optimal health outcomes. Similarly, Parolin and Lee (2022) assert that racial discrimination and poverty have played a role in the contribution of the COVID-19 pandemic on health disparities among racial minorities. African Americans particularly have an increased vulnerability to the pandemic in terms of infection and mortality. In 2020, U.S. counties with elevated poverty rates recorded more cases of coronavirus and related deaths due to unequal access to health services (Parolin & Lee, 2022, p. 2). For example, lower-income patients were more likely to need intermittent ventilation or admission to the Intensive Care Unit (ICU).

The chronic stress associated with meeting basic needs can impair cognitive abilities, limiting positive health outcomes. Plus, among the 1.2 million underinsured and uninsured individuals in the U.S are African Americans (Parolin & Lee, 2022, p. 2). In the same light, Ford et al.’s (2020) research concluded that African Americans have a greater risk of hypertension than other ethnic groups in the United States. Hypertension contributes to cardiovascular diseases and markedly worsens health outcomes for individuals with existing problems like diabetes. Ford and colleagues (2020) argue that discrimination directly impacts hypertension through stress pathways that activate certain nerve systems. The study specifically linked lifetime discrimination with hypertension. Nonetheless, the health effects of discrimination vary by age and gender. Evidence points to the significant effects of discrimination, especially among African American women and older age groups. Ford et al. (2020) posit that certain coping responses help reduce discrimination attribution to hypertension. However, Moody et al. (2021) state that most research has failed to comprehensively assess the facets of interpersonal discrimination. Broad differential research may result in a greater understanding of health vulnerabilities.

Low Living Standards

Affluent Americans control most of the resources, including learning institutions and other community amenities. Therefore, the difference in sociodemographic characteristics helps explain the variance over the years plus the prevalence of racial discrimination in the United States. Iceland’s (2019) subsequent work provides a broader perspective on racial disparities in affluence and poverty based on nativity, education, and family structure. The low education level among African Americans is indicative of historical inequalities that intensify ethnic residential segregation. Moreover, Parolin and Lee (2022) agree that ethnic discrimination results in education and employment disparities, which are relative to poverty. For instance, the difference in family structures among African Americans reflects the relative economic and cultural arguments across groups. Beech et al. (2021) concede that racism perpetuates financial and economic inequality, diminishing health improvements among minority groups. Poverty can impact individual perception toward social and economic opportunities, further limiting employment opportunities and housing.

Chetty et al. (2019) analyzed racial disparities in economic opportunities through an intergenerational perspective between 1989 and 2015. The scholars concluded that African Americans have a downward rank mobility curve compared to White families across the family income distribution. Although countries have focused on sustainable development in recent years, financial and economic resources have been unevenly distributed. In light of these assumptions, Chetty et al. (2019) imply that low marriages rates among blacks contribute to low-income levels, given the two incomes for children in white households but most African American children. Research suggests that blacks have lower earnings and are more supportive of single-parent family structures (Iceland, 2019). Historical notions of Black moral and intellectual inferiority are still linked to poverty and race.

Furthermore, residential segregation and housing status are apparent in creating barriers for ethnic minorities and low-income populations. The difference in income levels by race in the U.S. has persisted for years. In 2016, African Americans had a household of 39,500 dollars compared to Whites with 65,000 dollars (Chetty et al., 2019). Consequently, the income gap across minority groups constantly declines across generations, whereby black men work nine fewer hours weekly and earn 7 percent less compared to white men. Therefore, experiences of older African American men with lower socio-economic status significantly differ from those of White males with higher socio-economic status. Moreover, Chetty et al. (2019) explain the income gap in terms of gender differences. The authors found significant disparity for African American men conditional on income distribution, including lower-wage and employment rates. The gender disparity further extends in educational outcomes such that 21 percent of black men in low-income households experience a higher incarceration rate compared to 6 percent of white men (Chetty et al., 2019). Additionally, adult incarceration creates social and health deficits, including substance abuse, sexual assault, and violence. Chetty et al. (2019) also revealed that black boys raised in good neighborhoods record more college graduates and low poverty rates. On the other hand, Ford et al.’s (2021) study revealed statistically insignificant gender-specific discrimination. Therefore, among other factors, school quality and social capital contribute to the racial disparities in poverty and affluence.

The patterns of racial discrimination are increasingly being recognized by Whites. For example, a 2017 survey established that more than half of Whites believe in anti-White discrimination but few reports on personal experiences (Moody et al., 2021). However, unlike African Americans, the experiences of Whites are not tied to structural racism. Nonetheless, the cultural understanding of racial hierarchy influences the experiences of African Americans. Mood et al. (2021) assert that occupying marginalized statuses shapes the severity and contexts of discrimination. In contrast to Moody et al. (2021), Ford et al. (2020) detected a minor daily occurrence of discrimination. Simultaneous considerations of unique minority experiences offer better insight into discrimination and cumulative events. For this reason, future research should assess psychosocial factors that modify the impact of racial discrimination on health conditions like hypertension.

Recommendations

Given the severity of the problems, efforts in ending poverty and ethnic discrimination among African Americans are imperative. Parolin and Lee (2021) propose that further research on the impact of COVID-19 on minority populations would enhance the understanding of socio-economic factors related to health disparities. Minority populations in the United States are often socially and economically alienated, making them more vulnerable to negative health outcomes. Likewise, more research on the health vulnerability of low-income minorities is necessary, especially for African Americans. Blacks tend to have lower income than the White population, which further translates to lower education and employment opportunities. A focused study of health conditions apart from COVID-19 and hypertension would provide a comprehensive understanding of the problem. Moody et al. (2021) suggest the application of a socio-economic perspective to illuminate the disproportionate health burden on racial minorities. A comprehensive investigation of individual, structural, and cultural aspects of racial discrimination will help in identifying how proposed solutions inform opportunities for eradicating poverty and health problems.

Additionally, healthcare providers should practice evidence-based initiatives like mobile clinics to reach low-income communities. Beech et al. (2021) assert that solutions must actively involve stakeholders from all sectors. For instance, stakeholders in the medical field can adopt key strategies that address public policy and financial issues that will help in the delivery of affordable and quality care for marginalized populations. Considering the Affordable Care Act, for example, which increased the health insurance coverage for low-income households and, in the process, solved health-related disparities. However, Moody et al. (2021) state that such an approach must engage historic dynamics for a better understanding of inequality from different angles. Plus, given the broad socio-economic context of racial discrimination and poverty, including age and gender, in-depth research on the same is needed.

Despite the given recommendation, most of them may fail to solve the income gap. For example, policies that improve current economic outcomes like the increase of minimum wage and cash programs can reduce the white-black income disparity up to a certain point without persistent effects (Chetty et al., 2021). Other policies focused on increasing educational opportunities and reducing residential segregation for African Americans would eventually leave a gap. For the same reason, Beech et al. (2021) encourage social and environmental awareness that results in health disparities should be complemented with cost-effective policies that improve treatment and prevention, especially for low-income families. Therefore, Chetty et al. (2021) propose efforts that target specific ethnic subgroups like African American males and can effectively reduce the disparity. For example, integrating mentorship programs for black boys to minimize prejudice or interventions to increase social interaction across different racial groups in a targeted area.

Conclusion

In summary, racial discrimination and poverty have resulted in health disparities and low living standards among African Americans in the United States. Discrimination comprises daily and discrete events that reinforce social exclusion. In that view, racial discrimination is linked to oppressive systems, practices, and policies that favor dominant groups in terms of opportunities, privilege, and resources. For decades, blacks have experienced discriminatory acts because of their color, culture, descent, and national origin. For example, the mass shootings of unarmed African Americans have been widely witnessed in the 21st century. More specifically, racial discrimination and poverty have impacted the healthcare and living standards of African Americans.

Furthermore, historical and current ethnic discrimination have adversely impacted institutions that have the potential to eliminate poverty. Poor housing, employment issues, limited healthcare access, and pre-existing health conditions include some of the factors that, when complemented with poverty and racial discrimination, lead to health disparities. For example, during the COVID-19 pandemic, African Americans witnessed increased vulnerability based on infection and mortality. Similarly, racial discriminations result in disproportionate hypertension cases with minorities as target groups. In terms of living standards, African Americans have lower education plus employment opportunities compared to Whites. Therefore, a comprehensive framework is needed to assess key factors that perpetuate racial discrimination and poverty among African Americans.

References

Beatty Moody, D. L., Waldstein, S. R., Leibel, D. K., Hoggard, L. S., Gee, G. C., Ashe, J. J., Brondolo, E., Al-Najjar, E., Evans, M. K., & Zonderman, A. B. (2021). Race and other sociodemographic categories are differentially linked to multiple dimensions of interpersonal-level discrimination: Implications for intersectional, health research. PLOS ONE, 16(5).

Beech, B. M., Ford, C., Thorpe, R. J., Bruce, M. A., & Norris, K. C. (2021). Poverty, racism, and the public health crisis in America. Frontiers in Public Health, 9.

Chetty, R., Hendren, N., Jones, M. R., & Porter, S. R. (2019). Race and economic opportunity in the United States: An intergenerational perspective. The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 135(2), 711–783.

Forde, A. T., Sims, M., Muntner, P., Lewis, T., Onwuka, A., Moore, K., & Diez Roux, A. V. (2020). Discrimination and hypertension risk among African Americans in the Jackson heart study. Hypertension, 76(3), 715–723.

Iceland, J. (2019). Racial and ethnic inequality in poverty and affluence, 1959–2015. Population Research and Policy Review, 38(5), 615–654.

Parolin, Z., & Lee, E. K. (2022). The role of poverty and racial discrimination in exacerbating the health consequences of COVID-19. The Lancet Regional Health – Americas, 7, 100178.

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