Every language represents a culture and the speakers’ unique perspective of viewing the world. From this standpoint, the mother tongue defines who the people are, just like their hair color or personal identity. In this case, the local tongue is regarded as a way to easily understand individuals’ backgrounds and histories. One of the most ancient languages is the Palawan Batak or Babuyan, spoken by the Batak people of the Philippines. This community is believed to be the oldest inhabitants of the country. The members are the descendants of Australoid migrants who crossed the land bridge connecting the mainland of Asia and the Philippine Archipelago approximately 45,000 and 50,000 years ago (ICCA Consortium, 2018). They currently live in Puerto Princesa, the capital of Palawan Island. A report shows that Bataks are the most threatened indigenous group in Southeast Asia. There are less than 300 people remaining in the community (ICCA Consortium, 2018). Linguistic anthropologists believe that Babuyan is related to the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language spoken by other native populations living in the Palawan region.
At least nine communities in the northern and central of Palawan Island use the Batak language. These communities are located in Maoyon, Buayan, Caramay, Babuyan, and Tanabag (Endangered Languages Project). The Babuyan language is subdivided into different dialects depending on the location of the people; for instance, the people living in the Buayan River area use a different dialect compared to people located in the Rizal River area. The dialects of the Batak language are also subdivided into sub-dialects. In this case, kiatratnanen and buayanen are subdialects that are almost going extinct (Eder, 1987). Batak is the main language used by the Batak tribe; nevertheless, these communities can also communicate using other languages such as Cuyonon, Tagbanuwa, and Tagalog (Endangered Languages Project). Trade and mixed marriages have extensively exposed the communities to the languages used by their neighbors.
The Babuyan language is a unique and integral part of the history of the community. It is a means Bataks communicate with each other, build relationships, and create a sense of belonging. Since the language belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian family, it has standard morphologic, phonetic features, and lexical affinities to other Bisayan groups of languages used in the Philippines (Kinkade et al., 1975). However, a study shows that the Batak language is similar to that spoken by Palawano and Tagbanuwa than any other centrally located dialects in the country (Graceffo, n.d). In addition, this native group does not have a defined writing system. There is also no record to prove that they have ever tried to employ the bamboo-inscribed syllabary that other ethnic communities, such as Tagbanuwa and Palawan, used in the past (Reed, 1904). Therefore, unlike their neighbors who have developed an alphabet system, many people in Batak cannot read and write.
The Bataks have many resemblances with their neighbors based on common words and cultural practices. However, the communities speak distinct dialects with some tone variations. A study by Warren P. Charles and the U.S. Educational Foundation in Manila indicates that the Babuyan language has five vowels: i, a, e, o, and u (Kinkade et al., 1975). The same study also shows five diphthongs: uy, oy, ay, aw, and iw. Additionally, the Bataks’ key phonetic also incorporates sixteen consonant phonemes. They are namely: b, d, g, s. h, p, t, k, ʔ, m, n, ng, l, r, w, and y. They occur in the initial, medial and final positions of every word. Nevertheless, there are exceptions of h and y, which occasionally occur in the middle of a few words (Kinkade et al., 1975). In this case, these are the main phonic properties that construct the Bataks’ unique dialect.
The Babuyan people do not use specific words but have generic terms to define things or activities. For example, words like “farmer,” “hunter,” or “fisherman” do not exist in this language; instead, generic terms that refer to food-seeking activities are used (Novellino, 2011). Similarly, the Bataks also use metaphors to relay different meanings. For example, a knife filling its sheath symbolizes their notion of kiaruwa (life-source) associated with all living things. The metaphor implies that just like a sheath fits the knife for which it was made, similarly, the body and soul are specific to each other.
The Batak people also use signs and objects to relay various messages. The use of signals and objects is practiced from an early age, making people easily understand the meanings associated with these non-verbal cues. For example, a person wishing to communicate to another may use an object to suggest the message they want to relay (Kinkade et al., 1975). In most cases, young men and women use signs to express their love for each other. Additionally, signs are fundamental in marking various special events, including weddings. During marriage ceremonies, the couple accompanied by an older man and woman would squat on either side of a plate of cooked rice (Kinkade et al., 1975). These elders would scoop a ball of rice, exchange them and then pass the balls to the bridegroom and bride, who would also swap them again and eat to mark the completion of the event.
The use of objects as a means of communication is also used to contact the supernatural spirits. The Babuyan speakers attach a lot of value to spirits and associate them with good harvests. Research indicates that the Bataks use techno-symbolic devices called tabug tabug to extend their communication with mystical spirits, including the Master of Bees and Master of Rice (Novellino, 2009). In this context, these natives build some tabug tabug objects named suway suway, which are secured on the temporary forest huts to direct the bees towards particular locations. The suway suway are sticks made of wood to which a piece or rattan is connected, creating a semi-circle similar to the shape of a honeycomb. Another commonly used object is the ritual dibble stick inserted on the rice fields to ensure that spirits enable the crop to be productive. Similarly, when initiating contact with other spirits, such as the Master of Monster Lizard, who directs the wind, the Bataks draw a figure that resembles the lizard on a flat winnowing tray (Novellino, 2009). These people presume that the spirits can understand the objects’ meanings and respond accordingly.
Traditional songs and dances are used to commemorate special events among the Bataks. The lambay is the most critical annual ceremony that marks the dispersal of rice seeds. This event is accompanied by musical sounds and body movements. Three distinct sabag rhythms, including the layan layan, sa’aradan, and sarunkay, are played during the ceremony. The rhythms are produced by a pair of wooden poles (sabagan) strummed against two horizontal logs suspended above the ground (Novellino, 2009). This sound of percussion is believed to assist the Bataks in communicating with the Master of the Bees to release the bees so that they can make honey. During the lambay, the shamans, described as healers, perform special dance moves using balasbas. This is a tool sign created from the frayed leaves of a palm tree. In this event, the shamans use two balasbas to create different movements, such as paiagasdas, pamasagab, and paginaug, to attract and gather bees in the hives (Novellino, 2009). Before the first dance movement, a sasanel, a call to the Master of Bees, is first sung.
In conclusion, the Babuyan language and many other cultural features are an integral part of the Batak community. Although they never developed an alphabet or writing system, their language carries their ancestors’ cultural values through generations. In this case, their unique tongue and various cultural practices help shape their surroundings. For example, the lambay is a ceremony representing a significant ritual or event for the entire community during the year. It is used to commemorate the health of Bataks, the good harvest, and demonstrate their self-identity as a community. Therefore, being a marginalized group, Babuyan and cultural activities help preserve the traditions of Bataks as they continue to face the possibility of extinction due to increased modernity. The UNESCO declared the Batak language as endangered in 2010. This development has partially been caused by intermarriages between the Batak people and outside communities and other social activities such as trade. In most mixed marriages, the households use a mixture of Tagbanuwa, Batak, and Cuyonon. There has also been a growing trend among the young Batak people to substitute their traditional language with Cuyonon.
References
Eder, J.F. (1987). On the road to tribal extinction. University of California Press.
Endangered Languages Project. (n.d). Batak: Language metadata.
Graceffo, A. (n.d). The vanishing Batak tribe. Omniglot.
ICCA Consortium. (2018). The Tanabag Batak ICCA on Palawan island.
Kinkade, M.D., Hale, K.L., & Werner, O. (1975). Linguistics and anthropology in honor of C. F. Voegelin. Peter De Ridder Press.
Novellino, D. (2009). From ‘impregnation’to ‘attunement’: A sensory view of how magic works. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 15(4), 755-776.
Novellino, D. (2011). Toward a “common logic of procurement”: Unravelling the foraging-farming interface on Palawan Island (the Philippines). Burma Library.
Reed, W.A. (1904). Negritos of Zambales. Manila, Bureau of Public Printing.