There many implications of for identifying, framing and resolving race issues among African Americans. These implications are related to racialism and the view of the public towards racialism. Racialism is socially constructed, created and time by how people are perceived and treated in normal actions of every day life leading to a systemic an unequal relationship between based on the privileged access to power and resources by one group over another. The main issue surrounding the African American is the issues of their actions, treatment of others, or a general condition characterized by justice they receive or they perceive to receive, fairness, and impartiality; freedom from bias or favoritism. One can contrast this with equality, which is defined as equal or same in quantity, quality, size, degree, rank and level.
specifically for you
for only $16.05 $11/page
In identifying the issues in question, it means looking at ethnic and their backgrounds of citizens, their coexistence among other American citizens. To be successive in identifying, framing and solving the issues is often one should consider race, ethnicity, age, gender, sexual orientation, class, disability and religion of the African American.
According to this view, our real problems with race often come down to unequal money, jobs, and opportunities. Economic inequality makes our problems with race even worse. Some minorities have made economic progress, but there is still a long way to go. For example, people of color who are in the middle class still face barriers to advancement. Too many people of color live in poverty. Poor people in the cities, especially blacks and Latinos, live in an economic wasteland. They lack hope, good role models, good schools, and good jobs. The collapse of
the low-wage economy has wrecked neighborhood businesses, and reduced the number of jobs for poor people who have few marketable skills. These people suffer the most from changes in our nation’s economy — including the loss of manufacturing jobs. Without opportunities to get ahead, poor people in the cities are more likely to face other problems like drugs and violence, gangs, and teen pregnancy. It is too easy to think of race relations as a matter of “getting along better.” People who are born poor, and who are not white, just don’t have the same chances to make a good life for themselves.
The reason is that racism in our society is, and always has been, structural. The term structural racism refers to a system in which public policies, institutional practices, cultural representations and other norms work in various, often reinforcing ways to perpetuate racial group inequity. It identifies dimensions of our history and culture that have allowed privileges associated with “whiteness” and disadvantages associated with “color” to endure and adapt over time.4
This racial hierarchy has become integral to the accepted understanding of fair and appropriate outcomes in every consequential societal realm. White advantage in politics, the economy, and the national culture has been widely internalized as a norm by most everyone regardless of race, as has been disproportionate nonwhite representation on the lower rungs of these sectors. A durable public “common sense” about race has biased the nation’s institutions and standards of equity and justice in ways that are today harder to perceive, describe, and thus contest within traditional political frameworks.
The disparities and discontents arising from the modern mutation of structural racism raise questions about the legitimacy of values and rationales guiding many contemporary social policies. Decades of failed public and private remedies for chronic disparities and disadvantages in communities of color invite us to reexamine systems and institutions that provide and restrict opportunity in new ways.
100% original paper
on any topic
done in as little as
These include prevailing educational and wealth building arrangements, mechanisms that frame and communicate cultural narratives, and especially, systems and institutions of coercive social control, since the latter directly determine the incidence of individual and group liberty. Moreover, it is vital that our critical scrutiny cover not just public policies and institutional practices, but also underlying philosophies and logics from which these derive.
Although obviously necessary, functional remedies for education, social welfare, prison and other problematic opportunity-shaping systems are clearly insufficient. Tenacious racial inequalities are rooted in institutional governance cultures that hold particular society-level beliefs of fact and rectitude at their core. And, those beliefs unavoidably draw heavily on dominant racial perceptions.
Thus the social outcomes we see—mass incarceration, educational achievement gaps, residential segregation, workforce stratification, and the like—inescapably reflect racist values that, though no longer articulated publicly, are deeply embedded in the cores of systems of thought and practice. Indeed, the society’s tendency to concentrate its critical gaze and reform efforts on narrow, “tangible” aspects of institutions and systems is often a convenient way of avoiding uncomfortable reconsiderations of those submerged core values.5
No area of chronic racial disparity invites us more urgently to reconsider its guiding beliefs, assumptions, and knowledge context than the domain of criminal justice. A small fraction of the overwhelming empirical evidence supporting this proposition is presented below. Given the salience of racial inequality in our history, it seems more than appropriate to ask philosophical and structural questions even as we grapple with the immediate challenges of sentencing, rehabilitation, community re-integration, and the like.
These questions might include: Why do we punish the social conduct that we do, in the manner that we do, and in the social strata that we do? Indeed, why in the 21st century do we continue to rely so heavily on “punishment” as the appropriate response to behaviors that we deem to be inimical to the best interests of our communities? What end does our contemporary criminal justice paradigm serve? What social control goals are being served by the current arrangement? What social control values might better serve our aspirations as a multiracial democracy? How can we repair the harm caused (to individuals, communities, the nation) by the racially structured criminal justice system and how can we extricate ourselves from it? What would a criminal justice system not structured by racism—one consistent with a more expansive view of democracy and distributive, universal view of justice—look like?
And, how can we operationalize criminal justice values that are consistent with democratic ideals? What do these questions and the answers say about the role of the criminal justice system vis a vis other civil society institutions?