In contemporary world organizations, race, culture, and politics are keys to an individual’s personality. However, politics, culture, and race are intersected with gender to form inequitable and discriminatory world structures, thus, affecting life experiences. The intersectionality provides a theoretical context of learning through examining the dissimilar coinciding world classifications and how the results cannot be felt independently, but when jointed with race, culture, or politics. Crenshaw defines intersectionality as a structure that incorporates the notion of the multiplicity of axes of domination, such as sexuality, radicalized thoughts, and classism, and as not isolated from one another to advance each personality’s life experiences (1242). Therefore, the diverse social stratification plays a significant role in the concept of overlapping gender, and to an extent, imparts life involvements through discernment, harassment, and abuse (Aziz 231). To answer these overlapping world systems, it is essential to evaluate the theoretical frameworks of feminist, Marxist, and cultural perspectives. However, to draw classical conclusions from each framework perspective, it is imperative to discover the diverse women’s life situations such as gender and sexism, women and labor market, crime and judicial systems, and political domination of men. In this regard, answering the research problem “What are the gender-based life experiences that women face in the current world systems, and to what extent do they impact their day-to-day activities?” is crucial. The question is significant in drawing conclusions from the diverse theoretical approaches to gender inequality.
Theoretical Concepts
The current world systems are oppressive and discriminatory to women. According to Brewer and Collins, the social structure describes occasions of harassment which is based on factors such as culture, politics, race, and gender (132). In essence, the authors propose an alternative approach to answering the gender disparity questions through the concept of intersectionality. Intersectionality suggests a framework that appreciates how the various facets of culture, politics, race, and gender perform with regard to modern slavery. From the perspective of gender and ethnicity, black women from developed countries such as the US, experience both sexism as well as racial discernment. In the past, women’s wages were commonly low, because they could not secure more high-paying jobs from multinational companies compared to men. From these illustrations, a theoretical perspective of feminism is formulated.
The Theoretical Perspective of Feminism
Feminists have different forms of describing gender and its construction. Conkey and Gero posit that all the alternative thoughts within the constructionist analysis begin from the presumption that the structure of gender and its analytical categorization of female and male diversity is deeply rooted in ancient, sociocultural, conceptual, and material contexts (417). Though the concept of gender has evolved, Conkey and Gero acknowledge that the evolutionist approaches to gender locate it to the key of male dominance over women especially in small-scale communities (418). Further, feminists argue from the central concept of “the family,” “patriarchy” and “reproduction”. In the case of a family, women are hypothesized as next in command after the husband (Carby 213). Feminists claim that women are to provide parenthood using the concept of “reproduction” as opposed to men. Thus, the repression for women highlighted from the fundamental subject of “the family” as portrayed in the feminist theory, characterized women as fiscally reliant on men (Carby 213). The result is a deprivation of life experience at work for women during parenting as opposed to men.
Feminism and Labor Markets
However, as history unfolds, the white women engaged themselves in the labor markets. With time, certain women of color secured white-collar jobs just like their white women counterparts. Still, their pay has never surpassed those of their white colleagues (Maume 505). In this case, black women endured double victimization due to gender and ethnicity. In support of these experiences, the black feminist theory analyzes the non-appreciation of the countless credentials, qualifications, and recommendations on black women because of their sexuality, femininity, and ethnicity. For this reason, the idea of the intersectionality of gender and race is much wider than the context of the black feminist theory. Besides, according to the US labor market analysis, black women are the most unemployed among the youths of 16-24-year-old based on their minority ethnicity (The US Bureau of Statistics). The effects of the intersectionality of gender and race must be addressed as they are discriminating against black women.
Feminism and Judicial Systems
Crime and judicial systems provide the pre-eminent framework to analyze how gender, race, and culture intersect and to what extent. The theory of feminism, from its stem Patriarchy, is combined with black feminism to focus on the existence of black women’s repression in the judicial systems. Since the theory of patriarchy is causal-based rather than culturists, the interconnection of institutions such as crime, the system, and gender is incorporated into the model of black feminist theory. Furthermore, the framework demonstrates how the system and its associations discriminate against the black woman. For instance, the effort of Black Power, and its related Black Panther Party encountered entrenched legal retributions, where the black people were either killed or tortured for offenses against the Jim Crow legislation (Bloom and Waldo 116). The consequence was ethnic judicial condemning and punishment. In addition, the judicial cases that pertained to black women were regarded as contemptible to pursue (Crenshaw). The black women were then penalized by the same courts on the predetermination of gender and race. For example, Bumpers, Anderson, and McKenna were detained, tortured by the crime squad, interdicted, and condemned to death by the court for offenses that were unjustifiable by the “the system”. Notably, the police officers that arrested and tortured them were pardoned for crimes of torturing ‘innocent until proven guilty. This justified how crime and failed judicial systems played a role in the propagation of discrimination based on gender and race.
Feminism and Multiculturalism
Intersectionality of gender and race is similarly manifest in the prospect of belief and ethos and, to some degree, gender stereotypes from a specific culture (Garner 33). According to Phillips, Britain’s multiculturalism has been exaggerated by how social freedoms are conferred based on religious cultures. However, this multiculturalism does not recognize the consequence of gender-based control and influence on the separations within minority ethnic societies (Ackerly 243). For instance, Muslim women face gender-oppressive cultures such as early forced marriages, but the state ignores their human rights and does not intervene for their rights (Patel and Siddiqui 103). When coupled with the anti-Islamic movements, promoted their oppression since they face both religiously and culturally inflicted oppression.
Objectification of women based on gender, culture, and race draws numerous feminist thoughts. Though women are traditionally framed as objectified standards of femininity, women of race have often experienced these standards differently. Mirza notes that because of Muslim culture, the Muslims are constructed as ‘heroines’ or ‘victims’ (4). In this regard, Muslim culture, through their wearing of scarves, is perceived to be gendered oppressed, thus contextualizing failed multiculturalism and war on terror.
On the contrary, Mirza highlights how Arabic women have autonomy and liberty in their Arabic nation in comparison to when they are in the European countries (5). For instance, Tawakkol Karman, an activist from Yemen, became the primary Arab woman to win a Noble Peace Prize in 2011 (Moghadam 667). However, this is not the case for Arab women when in the larger European nations. In this case, the European countries only concept the Arab women as nervous, superwomen, with black abayas, trying to inhabit a new place from her retrogressive traditional culture (Mahmood). Consequently, there is a loss of expression and ability to fight for rights, especially with increased anti-Islamic policies and politics from the UK, Germany, and the rest of European nations (Joly and Wadia 25). Therefore, Islamophobic cultures and cultural seclusion affect these women greatly highlighting the intersectionality of gender and race and the degree of it.
Feminism and Women in Politics and Power
In politics, the idea of power relation between both genders manifests. Conkey and Gero highlight how feminists and other liberal minds understand the concept of gender and politics, and to some extent, power separation (428). Conkey and Gero argue that logic, with its associated ideas of division of subject and object, objective impartiality, and composed superiority of personal conditions, is an imaginary ethnic diversity that never achieves its actual logical exercise and, more suggestively, signifies a political theory and belief of power relations amongst men and women (428). This power relation in gender emanates into discrimination and exploitation if not controlled. For instance, gender-based victimization intertwined with culture is evident in European countries.
In Holland, The Great Wilder’s Party for Freedom, whose policy wanted prohibition of Qu’ran and preventing immigrants from Arabic nations from entering the country, was position three in the overall election (Marquand 116). This proved how approximately the whole country supported the program of the anti-Islamic drive. Remarkably, it is the Muslim woman who is considered as the source of terror and fright and not their male counterparts (Bloom). This increases the Muslim feeling of discrimination. However, this is not the same experience the Muslim/Arab women witness in their own culture and countries. For instance, in Tahrir Square in Cairo, Egypt, Arabic women are spotted to lead “genderless” protests, social rights blogging, and leafleting for the sake of social equality (Mahmood). The perceived cultural stereotype of Muslim women is propagated by European news outlets which indicates the day-to-day TV news of Muslim and Arab women running away from wars, rape, and sexism (Mirza 5). Another instance of cultural stereotypes is Asian women and virginity tests. In the early 1970s, close to 80 migrant women of Asian descent were subjected to “virginity tests” at one of the UK airports. Consequently, the result is the loss of expression and capacity to fight for their civil rights and privileges particularly with amplified anti-Islamic programs and politics of ethnicity from European nations.
The fall of the Organization of Women of Asian and African Descent (OWAAD), formed in 1978 has drawn several controversies. Through a racialized movement, its end has been viewed as gender-specific oppression and victimization (Swaby 11). According to Swaby, OWAAD was formed and mobilized around black solidarity across social divisions to challenge diverse forms of oppression witnessed by the various categories of black women from minority ethnic cultures (11). According to Swaby, the obligation to shape togetherness between African, Caribbean, and Asian women required continued efforts to evaluate, comprehend, and work with cohesion as well as the heterogeneity of knowledge and experience (12). The demise of OWAAD in the early years of the 1980s is hypothesized to have been driven by the rise of identity politics, political differences, the nature of racisms, and sexism, thus undermining solidarity. Swaby argues that its fall emanated from some women engaging in politics of specificities and differentiation of hierarchies of oppression and victimization (14). Rather, the women should have embarked on the multifaceted but essential task of removing specificities of certain oppressions, through recognizing their correspondences or acquaintances with other victimizations, thus constructing a politics of solidarity.
Feminism constructs solidarity and cohesion through the framework of “sisterhood” by removal the concept of multiple differences that create disunity among women of color. Through the framework of sisterhood, feminists argue that women need to work for its rationality as a political potency, rather than conferring a ready-made, but falsified unity, by placing itself outside history (Carby 213). Further, feminists claim that if “sisterhood” wants a feminist uprising and revolt, then they must adopt an obligation for drawing women together in one political union and solidarity (Carby 213). The result of this movement is the elimination of all forces such as politics of specificities and differentiation of hierarchies of oppression that divide women. Hooks, in his part, argue that the eradication of racism should not be prompted by emotions, guilt, moral accountability, rage, and decriminalization (388). It should emanate from a heartfelt desire for “Sisterhood” and rational awareness that racism among women undermines the potential radicalization of feminism.
Despite the several attempts to address gender, race, and culturalism through the conceptualized framework of feminism, the existence of many intersectional ties with few commonalities renders it futile. In this case, racism, in its variant plural forms, challenges the concept of feminism and the idea of “sisterhood” (Carby 214). Moreover, the debate on feminist thought promoted the argument on the “Virginity test” and the concept of prostitution has been largely opposed. The main lines of this division are generally between liberal and radical feminists. The liberal feminists emphasize prostitution as ‘sex work’ and claim that in its voluntary arrangement, it should be regarded as appropriate and hence legalized. Therefore, the liberal feminist would agree with the court’s verdict on the case of Daniel Holtzclaw Vs 13 black women. In this court case, Daniel, police from Oklahoma, who was identified and arrested for raping 13 black women, was declared innocent (Petersen). The court, in its verdict, argued that the women were known prostitutes and could have lured the police officer into sex (Petersen). In essence, a liberal feminist would have failed in their attempt to appeal for the 13 black women’s rights.
Radical feminists, on their part, equate prostitution as a gross example of male supremacy and sexual violence against women and hence affirm that it needs to be dispensed with. The signs of this opposition giving way to a common ground are not at all apparent and there are many further divisions and complex coalitions within these factions. In this regard, it is valid to argue that the dominant feminist approaches to the issue of gender and sexism through prostitution occupy much of the discursive space. Therefore, it is imperative to base look into how the Marxist approach issues of gender and sexism in diverse cultures.
Marxist Theoretical Perspective
The modern Marxist approach provides a desirable argument to the polarized feminist positions as it can accommodate, make sense of, and deliver a complex indulgence of many diverse empirical facts that get fixated under the classification of gender and sexism such as the question of sex work/prostitution and political roles.
Women play significant roles in society. In the early 1844s, in his Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, Marx claimed that the position of women in a society is a measure of advancement of the community as a whole (qt. in Hartmann). In his theory of society, he argues that for the society to develop beyond the capitalist form, new social relations must be formed, which does not necessarily depend on crude, isolated construction of value. Human beings would have to see each other more respectable in themselves, reasonably than as only worth what one particular person can offer to another. Therefore, the concept of sexism and gender is based on how the women value themselves, rather than how men value them (Overall 707). Thus, men and women would have to reach a point of progress where an individual is treasured for who they are, rather than any abstract category of man or woman.
The second concept of Marxist ideas on this issue draws attention to the resemblances between prostitution and marriage. In an oft-quoted statement, Engels distinguished a married woman from a prostitute only in so far as ‘she does not let out her body on piece-work as a wage-worker but sells it once and for all into slavery’ (Overall 706). Thus, if prostitution is commercial work, so is marriage. By drawing attention to the financial basis of all sexual associations in bourgeois society, Engels laid the grounds for a serious comprehension of a whole range of relations in which men and women are implicated in such a society. This can be treated as a radical intuition of Marxist and socialist art, although one which is no longer very common. In the current world systems, the relationships and shared aims between marriage and prostitution are more prospective to be offered as a defense for prostitution and as a reminder of the insincerity of the opponents of prostitution but not as a disapproval of the institution of marriage.
Prostitution and Women Private Life Case Analysis
As a case scenario of archaeological sites such as brothels in prehistoric Greece offer an exceptional illustration of how prostitution and privatization of women help bridge the gap of the archaeological record of gender and femininity. The documentation of brothels mirrors new intuition within archaeology in understanding the role of women in ancient Greece and the exact development for constructing correct recognition of brothels and privatization of women’s lives. In this regard, the use of the ancient brothel is used to implicate the woman-private life outside the political reams, and demonstrate how the study of gender and prostitution can aid in filling gaps of the archaeological record.
In Greece, one of the re-known brothels located in the South of Sacred gate in Kerameikos (Building Z) is a case example of prehistorically prostitution life subjected to women. The site provides treasured acumens into what differentiates the privatization of women’s lives in history, gender-stereotype, and assumptions. In essence, the site is important to elucidate women’s domestication and how it is significant in illuminating the various aspects of women’s lives than the features found in the cred private space. According to Ault, Building Z has a long history of providing ample site for private prostitution with five phases of construction with its central location at the Themistoclean city wall and water supply, thus providing limited resources for prostitution (Ault 75). Glazebrook notes that water consumption is a valuable pointer of places of prostitution because sex and after-sex cleaning were related in prehistoric Greece (181). Therefore, Building Z is a clear indication where commercial sex was predominant.
The archaeology of gender has gradually developed indicated in the concept of Building Z. According to Hill, the idea of studying gender archaeology and record is to elucidate the critical evaluation of assumptions (Hill 99). As seen in Building Z case analysis, the hypothesis has been that prehistoric prostitution of commercial sex workers, in particular, women will originate from archaeological records inside private places. However, the study of the archaeology of gender is relevant to confronting such suppositions. Since men have ruled the public domain of archaeology, the existence of women has been unnoticed.
The theme of Gender and Current Labor Markets
In the US, most citizens live in a capitalist market where they depend on each other, directly and indirectly for their day-to-day lives emanating from income which is a result of waged labor. However, the wages and certain aspects of the employment sector vary greatly. Consequently, gender inequalities in the forms of earnings, the standard of living, and employment opportunities are manifested. These variations establish the theoretical frameworks and most idealists would end up asking the questions such as “Why should I”, a low wage earner, be satisfied with the inferior standard in the society, compared to “you”, who have high-paying employment”. In this regard, this type of question results in the undesirable aspects of labor markets, and thus, calling for justifications of the inequalities. To legitimize the questions, justification should be able to explain, in normative terms, reasons that are acceptable to low-income earners.
The theme of Politics and Leadership
From the local to the global system, women’s leadership and political participation are limited. Women are underrepresented as voters, as well as in leadership roles, whether in elective offices, civil service positions, and the private sector or academic circles. This transpires despite their demonstrated aptitudes as leaders and agents of social change, and their right to participate equally in the democratic process. Women experience numerous hurdles to participating in political life. Structural obstacles through inequitable laws and the system of government still prevent women’s decisions to run for office. Capacity gaps mean women are less likely than men to have the required form of education, contacts, and capital needed to become active leaders. Citing from the 2011 UN General Assembly resolution on women’s civil involvement notes, “Women in all parts of the world remain to be generally marginalized from the political circle, often because of prejudiced laws, mandates, insolences and gender stereotypes, lack of adequate education, low level of access to health care and the inconsistent effect of poverty on women.” However, certain women have overcome these barriers with great acclaim, and often to the advantage of society at large. Therefore, for all women, the playing field needs to be standard, opening opportunities for all.
Conclusion
Intersectionality recommends that for several women a political awareness of gender may emanate from experiences with race, ethnicity, and sexism and maybe interrelated with systems of inequality. Existing research highlights the significance of group identification and the apparent relationship of group consciousness. Despite the several attempts to address gender, race, and culturalism through the conceptualized framework of feminism, the existence of many intersectional ties with few commonalities renders it futile. In this case, racism, in its variant plural forms, challenges the concept of feminism and the idea of “sisterhood”. Feminist theory affirms that race and ethnic minority in women are not recognized as a group because of the assumption concerning a unitary classification of women and a universal and inalienable “sisterhood”.
Hence, they are rendered invisible and subsequently denied a voice. However, the Marxist framework approach provides a desirable substitute to the polarized feminist positions as it is able to accommodate, make sense of and deliver a complex indulgent of many diverse empirical facts that get fixated under the taxonomy of gender and sexism such as the question of sex work/prostitution and political roles. In this regard, brief illustrations have been provided above to show the usefulness of such an analysis. However, a far more detailed formulation of the framework as well as its submission in specific contexts may demonstrate to be very intuitive and also sanction us to move out of the kind of impasse which has arisen in the polarized feminist debates. Importantly, more emphasis should be put on programs such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women which advocates for women’s right to participate in public and unrestricted life. Conversely, the Beijing Platform for Action calls for removing barriers to equal participation. Moreover, the Millennium Development Goals measure growth towards gender equality in part by the percentage of females in parliamentary offices.
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