The First World War is not only a negative period for a large number of states but also a catalyst for certain conflicts. In particular, the nationalist mood of the society intensified in Ireland. Among other things, many facts and events of the war could be interpreted in different ways, which aggravated the overall situation. It is necessary to analyze what contribution the First World War made to the development of nationalism in Ireland.
The outbreak of the First World War could not but affect the life of Irish society, which was characterized by persistent opposition of the warring layers. A feature of the United Kingdom’s martial law was the Irish’s ongoing struggle for independence, which was a complicating factor for the mother country1. Adopted on September 18, 1914, the Third Home Rule Bill (Home Rule Act) served as some kind of calm for the warring parties2. While remaining an integral part of the Kingdom, Ireland and its leaders were somehow involved in what was happening. John Redmond, as the leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, expressed his support for the policy of Britain and appealed to the Irish to join forces in the fight against the Germans. On September 24, 1914, the manifesto of the twenty leaders of the Volunteers was published3. In the document, they expressed indignation at the fact that the call of John Redmond a priori meant his consent to the split of Ireland, according to the text of Home Rule4. With this image, a clear position appeared about the impossibility of Ireland participating in the war as an ally of Britain.
This led to the formation of a new opinion and a separate political and social group. As a result, part of the Volunteers, who retained the original name, rallied under the command of One MacNeill5. Such radical nationalists initially numbered two to three thousand people, but in 1916 their number increased to fifteen thousand members6. Redmond’s supporters from the moment of the split became known as the National Volunteers; their number amounted to about one hundred and eighty thousand7. In this case, by the beginning of the World War, there was no single tactic and strategy within the national movement of Ireland among its leaders.
Nationalists of various currents were opposed to the participation of the Irish in the World War on the side of Britain. The influential Gaelic Athletic Association categorically barred its members from serving in the home army or being Irish constables. Sinn Féin oriented party members to the solution of purely Irish issues, and the war with Germany was not one of that #. The main argument of the opponents was that Ireland did not have what needed to be defended, namely its own government. The intrinsic value of Ireland is in no way connected with the interests of the mother country or with the interests of Germany, formulated Sinn Féin8. At the same time, volunteers continued to enter the ranks of the British army, which led to misunderstandings among the nationalists.
It is worth emphasizing that the British army had a sufficient number of Irishmen. There was a growing belief in Ireland that Irish divisions were being discriminated against by the British. In other words, they were infiltrated by representatives of other nations of the Kingdom; they were sent to the most dangerous front-line sectors9. The battle on the Somme has been preserved in historical memory, in which Irish soldiers and officers played a major role in the battle with the Germans. The mentality of the Irish received new confirmation of the anti-Irish policy of the government. In addition to the above, the First World War aggravated other areas of life.
It is necessary to analyze the specifics of the economic condition of the Kingdom, which for Ireland was a new foundation for strengthening anti-British sentiment. The war narrowed the mother country’s contacts with the other world, bringing the appeal to Irish resources to the fore. Ireland derived from this objective benefit, so the trade balance in 1914, and 1916 became positive10. However, the unevenness of the Irish economy, the economic gap between North and South since the last third of the 19th century, has become most relevant. The close ties of the metropolis with Ulster manifested themselves to the maximum during the war years11. The developed industry of the North and the intensification and modernization of the agricultural sector there brought the greatest benefit to this particular region of the country12. At the same time, the South was becoming a victim of competition and the economy was suffering from inflation. The war demanded higher tax rates; income rose from 613. These were general standards, but given Ireland’s lower standard of living and low incomes, they hit the local population the most. In addition, part of indirect taxes was initially included in consumer goods. Even before the war, there was a process of the takeover of Irish firms by the British, and since 1914, it has become more active. This further aggravated the attitude of the Irish towards Britain and gave rise to new desires for self-determination as a nation.
Thus, all of the above in the field of economics caused a sharply negative reaction. Nationalists noticed that the actions of Britain dealt a blow to the welfare of the Irish. From this, it was concluded that the Union is the source of the overwhelming number of problems, while it exists, the Irish economy is in decline and crisis. When the economic question was raised, numerous groups of nationalists struck at the positions of the Irish Parliamentary Party, which in Westminster ignored the real threat14. The appeal of the nationalists to questions of the survival of the people turned into anti-English slogans. This rhetoric created the necessary background of mass support for future resistance.
The government’s restrictive measures due to martial law could not but cause rejection of British policy. These measures were typical for any country at war, but coming from the mother country, they were negatively perceived by Irish society. Under the Act for the Defense of the Kingdom, Britain received the right to issue extraordinary decrees related to the army, navy, any measures for the security of the Kingdom. Courts-martial were set up to deal with cases relating to prohibitions on disclosing information to the enemy and protecting the communications system. Other orders that standardized life during the war, including control of the press# were issued. For the Irish, such measures and restrictions meant new facets of British dictate. In this mood, with the intensification of revolutionary sentiment in Ireland, the government of the Kingdom in January 1916 introduced universal conscription in England15. Irish nationalists began to develop the doctrine of relying on the enemies of England during wars and conflicts. Thus, all the actions of Britain were perceived sharply negatively, and the Irish were building the role of an oppressed nation.
As a result, it can be noted that the World War, by accelerating the adoption of the Home Rule Act, thereby complicated the Irish situation. The aggravation of the conflict between North and South and Redmond’s attempts to maintain the status quo and prevent open hostility between nationalists and unionists led to the opposite. The militaristic consciousness, as an objective product of the war, not only penetrated public opinion but also changed the directives of nationalist methodology. Parliamentary aspirations to gain self-government are replaced by the ideology of armed struggle, pushing forward the task of gaining complete independence.
References
Coakley, John, ‘The Religious Roots of Irish Nationalism’, Social Compass, 58(1) (2011), pp.95-114.
An Ulster Imperialist, ‘Nationalism and Imperialism’, The Irish Review (Dublin), Vol. No. 2 (1911), pp.63-71.
Ypersele, Laurence and Wouters, Nico, Nations, Identities and the First World War. Shifting Loyalties to the Fatherland, (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2018).
Footnotes
- Coakley, John, ‘The Religious Roots of Irish Nationalism’, Social Compass, 58(1) (2011), 97.
- Ypersele, Laurence and Wouters, Nico, Nations, Identities and the First World War. Shifting Loyalties to the Fatherland, (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2018), 203.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 205.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 205.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 217.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 221.
- An Ulster Imperialist, ‘Nationalism and Imperialism’, The Irish Review (Dublin), Vol. No. 2 (1911), 65.
- An Ulster Imperialist, 67.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 240.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 251.
- An Ulster Imperialist, 69.
- An Ulster Imperialist, 68.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 117.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 165.
- Ypersele and Wouters, 295.