Introduction
Many processes occurring in modern society are primarily influenced by the dissemination of popular culture. Over the past years, television and the Internet have become popular with people of different ages and backgrounds. Reality shows, TV series, and YouTube channels transmit values that affect people’s behavior. However, it is still debatable whether society benefits from the consumption of popular culture’s products. A vast number of arguments for and against popular culture can be found, and thus, it is necessary to evaluate this phenomenon thoroughly. This paper uses formal analysis to identify the influence of popular culture on young people. This question is of particular importance nowadays, because the future of society entirely depends on youth. The primary aim of the paper is to show that popular culture’s products, TV shows included, may have a different impact on the youth, and the latter should be aware of their potential implications.
Main body
Popular culture serves as an effective way of establishing relationships between people from different backgrounds. It is especially relevant for youth who found entire communities based on common interests. In the digital world, it becomes harder for people to communicate with each other and establish contact. However, popular culture somehow helps young people to overcome these difficulties. Ratha (2017) uses Comic-con, a huge annual gathering of comics lovers, as an example of an event that has a positive influence on youth. The author believes that such activities might help youngsters to make new friends and talk about things they both are interested in.
Moreover, pop culture may contribute positively to the development of identities, national identity included. This fact leads to a legitimate question of how TV shows influence the development of national identity among youngsters, Canadian or otherwise. This study analyzes the importance of television shows in national identity-building among youth on the meso-level in different cities of the same province, on the macro-level in different Canadian provinces, and on the global scale. Formal analysis reveals that different cities do not display meaningful differences, results in the provinces vary depending on pre-existing regional identities, and results in different countries depend on addressing the issues and values relevant for youth.
Literature Review
The method employed in this paper is formal analysis, which concentrates on evaluating and comparing social phenomena of different scales: micro, meso, macro, and global. According to Serpa and Ferreira (2019), a sociological study on the micro-level analyzes “human behavior in contexts of everyday direct interaction” – that is, mainly concentrates on individual person-to-person interactions (p. 121). Meso-level, on the other hand, focuses on the constitution of groups rather than personal interactions (Serpa and Ferreira, 2019). Studies conducted on the macro-level analyze social phenomena and processes through the prism of systemic interdependence, concentrating on how different social groups and organizations interact within a given system (Serpa and Ferreira, 2019). Finally, the global level of sociological analysis coves the phenomena and processes studied on the world scale, often using entire nations as units. For this study, the analysis on meso-level will compare youth in two cities within Manitoba province, the analysis on the macro-level will compare youth in Manitoba to Quebec, and the analysis on the global level will compare youth in Canada and Russia in terms of responsiveness to national identity-building through TV shows.
There are many studies analyzing TV viewing among Canadian youth, but many of these concentrate on health issues rather than social and cultural aspects. For example, an article by Ng, Young, and Corey (2010) discusses the interrelation between the TV-viewing and dietary behaviors of aboriginal and non-aboriginal youths in Canada. While the medical aspect has no direct relation to the topic of this paper, the article contains valuable information on the media habits of aboriginal and non-aboriginal youth (Ng et al., 2010). One may use this data to interpret and explain findings in the populations with a higher or a lower percentage of aboriginal youth.
One of the studies of the influence of TV shows on Canadian youth in terms of national identity specifically belongs to Giang (2015) and is conducted on meso-level. In her article, Giang (2015) analyzes the inclusion of minorities in the process of creating content for the mainstream media. She emphasizes the importance of these media, television included, in shaping and creating the national identity (Giang, 2015). Her central conclusion is that including minority youth in content creation for TV shows helps to build the national identity based on the notions of multiculturalism (Giang, 2015). However, the article is locally focused and lacks a comparative perspective on a broader scale.
A study conducted by Shaw Rocket Fund feels this gap, as it concentrates on the macro-level and presents a national survey of Canadian youth and their media habits. The organization’s report offers the results of a survey conducted among Canadian youth from 9 to 18 years old discussing their interactions with media, television included (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). The study focuses on Quebec to a higher degree than other provinces but still offers a nation-wide coverage of media habits of Canadian youth (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). One of the central issues studied is the youngsters’ perception of Canadian TV shows, which allows assessing the importance of said shows in building national identity among the Canadian young (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). As a result, this study represents an invaluable source on national identity-building among Canadian youth through TV shows.
As one can see, the topic of TV shows influencing Canadian youth is covered from several angles. Different studies have analyzed national identity-building by means of TV shows on meso and macro-levels. However, to the best of the author’s knowledge, there is no work to analyze national identity-building through TV shows on meso, macro, and global levels simultaneously, and this paper aims to fill this gap.
Results
On meso-level, this paper compares the influence of TV shows on nation identity-building in two cities of Manitoba province: Winnipeg and Portage la Prairie. The cities have comparable demographic characteristics: according to the census, the share of the population from 9 to 19 is 11.7 percent in Winnipeg (“Census profile,” 2016) and 12.3 percent in Portage la Prairie (2016). In Winnipeg, 70 percent of the population report their first language is English, 3.3 percent name French, and 26.7 report non-official languages (“Census profile,” 2016). In Portage la Prairie, English is the first language for 87.5 percent of the population, French for 2 percent, and non-official languages for 10.5 percent (“Census profile,” 2016). This similar population composition means that national identity-building in youth through TV shows should demonstrate comparable results in both cities.
Indeed, there are no meaningful differences in TV shows influencing the development of national identity in both places. From 40 to 44 percent of youngsters from 9 to 18 claim they connect personally to the TV shows that are about Canada, and around two-thirds feel pride if the show they like is Canadian (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). Additionally, regardless of the city, aboriginal youngsters are twice as likely to watch TV shows more than 14 hours per week as their non-aboriginal counterparts (Ng et al., 2010). Thus, analysis on meso-level does not reveal any striking differences between Winnipeg and Portage la Prairie in terms of nation-building through TV, and results demonstrated in both cities characterize Manitoba as a whole.
On the macro-level, this paper compares the influence of TV shows on nation identity-building in Manitoba and Quebec. The population share of youth from 9 to 19 is comparable in both areas, with 13 percent in Manitoba (“Census profile,” 2016) and 10.5 percent in Quebec (2016). Yet the provinces differ vastly in ethnic terms: in Manitoba, English is the first language for 71.3 percent, French – for 3.2 percent, and non-official languages – for 25.5 percent (“Census profile,” 2016). In Quebec, on the other hand, English is the first language for 7.5 percent, French – for 77.1 percent, and non-official languages – for 15.4 percent (“Census profile,” 2016). Considering such ethnic differences, one may assume the varying degree of effectiveness in national identity-building in both provinces.
On average, the population of Quebec is less susceptible to TV shows as a factor shaping national identity. Only 27 to 33 percent of youngsters from Quebec connect personally to the TV shows about Canada, as compared to more than 40 percent in Manitoba (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). Additionally, likable Canadian TV shows invoke a sense of pride only in 51 to 64 percent of Quebecker youth, while in Manitoba, this percentage is around two-thirds (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). One may conclude that national identity-building through TV shows is more successful in Manitoba than it is in Quebec.
On the global level, this paper compares the influence of TV shows on nation identity-building in Canada and Russia. Due to the vast cultural differences between the two countries, it would be hard to compare them by the precise demographic criteria. As a result, the analysis of the TV shows aimed at national identity-building among youngsters on the global level will only examine the relative popularity of corresponding shows among both Canadian and Russian youth.
Results demonstrate that Canadian youth generally demonstrates a greater appreciation of the TV shows promoting national identity. The average rates of connection to the shows about Canada exceed 40 percent, and the pride for good Canadian shows – 60 percent (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). Even in Quebec, these numbers are slightly below one-third and above one-half, respectively (Shaw Rocket Fund, 2015). In Russia, however, youth assumes a much more cynical approach to the attempts of national identity-building on TV. According to Hutchings and Tolz (2015), TNT – one the Russia’s top-five TV networks – is “aimed at a youth market” specifically (p. 137). However, its most successful TV shows, such as “Nasha Russia” [“Our Russia”], do not create a positive national identity, as, in their course, “national pride is mischievously deflated rather than triumphantly reconfirmed” (Hutchings & Tolz, 2015, p. 140). Apparently, Russian youth prefers TV shows that question or even ridicule the national identity rather than reinforce it.
To summarize, the results demonstrate that, on meso and macro-levels alike, a higher percentage of English-speaking and non-official language- speaking population corresponds to greater success of TV-based national identity-building among Canadian youth. The higher percentage of the French-speaking population in the case of Quebec corresponds to the lower effectiveness of national identity-building through TV shows. On a global level, comparison between Canada and Russia demonstrates greater effectiveness of Canadian TV shows as compared to their Russian counterparts.
Discussion
The negative correlation between the effectiveness of the TV shows and the percentage of French speakers in Quebec demonstrates that national identity-building is less successful when a strong pre-existing regional identity is in place. In this particular case, this regional identity is Quebecois – opposed to Quebeckers, a purely geographical term, and designating those inhabitants of the province who trace their ancestry “back to New France” (Winter, 2015, p. 58). A tendency to perceive oneself through regional rather than national identity reduces susceptibility to the TV shows that promote the latter.
The positive correlation between the effectiveness of the TV shows and the percentage of non-official and, in particular, indigenous language speakers demonstrates the success of inclusive national identity-building. Giang (2015) noted that including minorities into the promoted cultural image of the nation allows to “confer identity and legitimacy to these groups and create a more socially cohesive community” (p. 115). Clark (2014) has also noted that, if the TV shows are suited for Indigenous viewers and do not promote colonialist stereotypes, they enjoy greater popularity among the indigenous population. This importance of non-colonial narrative on TV may also explain higher screen time typical for the Indigenous youth.
Lower effectiveness of national identity-building through TV shows in Russian youth as compared to Canadian reveals that its success depends on addressing the issues and values relevant for youngsters. While Canadian TV shows aim to create an inclusive and multicultural image of the nation, Russian television mainly gravitates toward traditional primordial interpretation (Laruelle, 2014). As a result, national identity-building through TV shows becomes less successful among “a newer generation of Russian citizens” (Laruelle, 2014, p. 332). This tendency may explain why popular Russian television networks largely cover national identity in comical terms for entertainment rather than indoctrination.
Problems
The main limitation of this study is the lack of relevant material for the macro-level. Comparing Canada and Russia as a Western Liberal democracy and Eastern European country with an increasingly autocratic government is an interesting and potentially telling topic. However, it proved unfeasible to assess the effectiveness of national identity-building in both countries through the same variables. While the statistics of the youngsters’ perception of TV shows as they relate to national identity is available for Canada, it proved impossible to find for Russia. As a result, only an indirect comparison of the effectiveness of TV shows in national identity-building in both countries was possible. If there were a possibility to obtain data on the same variables used for Canadian populations from the Russian population, this would improve the study significantly.
Conclusion
As one can see, TV shows as an element of popular culture may play a considerable role in building national identity among the young, but their effectiveness varies depending on several factors. Formal analysis on the meso and macro-levels reveals that the success of national identity-building through TV shows among Canadian youth correlates positively with the percentage of English and non-official language speakers and negatively with the percentage of French speakers. In the case of the French speakers, it demonstrates that a pre-existing regional identity – in this case, Quebecois – undermines the effectiveness of the effort. In the case of the Indigenous populations, it demonstrates the effectiveness of the inclusive and multicultural image of a nation. Formal analysis on the macro-level revels greater effectiveness of nation-building through TV shows in Canada rather than in Russia. This fact may testify for the Canadian networks’ ability to address the values of the new generation, multiculturalism included, than their Russian counterparts.
References
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